Russian national unity. Russian National Unity The Last Onslaught of Atlantis

Locksmith Petrovich

Alexander Barkashov in the "patriotic" get-together is called Petrovich behind his back. At the same time, the nationalists themselves explain the origin of the nickname not only by the patronymic of the leader, but also by the resemblance to the famous caricature character. Head of the RNU before the start political activity worked as an electrician. We can say that the only outstanding episode in his previous life was a two-year service in the ranks of the Soviet army, where Barkashov managed to get the rank of corporal.

In 1985, Alexander Petrovich joined the Memory Society. There, the leader of the "monuments" Dmitry Vasilyev became interested in the reserve corporal, who offered him to become his personal bodyguard. Barkashov agreed and for two years now he has led a “thousand” militants. In fact, according to experts from law enforcement agencies, the number of Memory activists throughout Russia never exceeded a thousand, and Alexander Petrovich had only a few dozen people under his command.

In 1990, Vasilyev tried to use his party genosse to work in the agricultural cooperative "Teremok", which Barkashov and his supporters did not like so much that they left the "Memory" and in September 1990 created a new organization called "National Unity for a Free, Strong , fair Russia". A few weeks later, "NOT for the USSR" broke up, and one of the factions formed after the split began to call itself "Russian National Unity".

Barkashism

RNE is a movement oriented not towards state patriotism, but towards narrowly ethnic Russian nationalism. It is no coincidence that Barkashov called his first organization "NOT for the USSR": the collapse of the multinational Union led to the fact that the percentage of the Russian population in the country increased significantly, which corresponded to the ideology of the RNU. It is precisely the fear of violating the notorious "purity of the race" that apparently explains the fact that there are few calls for external expansion in the Barkashov newspaper "Russian Order". By the way, according to the official documents of the party, "compulsion in any form to enter into a mixed marriage or relationship, damaging the gene pool of the Russian Nation and leading to its erosion, will be prosecuted."

RNU members are divided into "comrades-in-arms", "companions" and "sympathizers" (in practice, this rigid hierarchy is usually not respected). The motto of the Barkashovites is "Glory to Russia!" appeared seventy years ago, when it was used by the Russian fascists of Konstantin Rodzaevsky, from whom the RNE, apparently, borrowed this fashionable slogan. The emblem of the organization was the swastika, which members of the RNU call "Kolovrat". The choice of symbols and motto was not accidental - just read Barkashov's articles or interviews, where he talks about the Third Reich and Nazism. For example, Alexander Petrovich once expressed the idea that World War II began because peace-loving Germany, in which the “national movement” was in power, had supposedly “to be brought to its knees, discredited and destroyed.” Another time, Barkashov announced: “I am not a fascist, I am a National Socialist,” then he argued that Hitler “breathed life into the nation, raised it.” About the citizens of their own country, who had the audacity to win the war with the "national movement", Alexander Petrovich speaks with a masochistic intonation. Hitler, they say, called them a race of bastards because "the people who voluntarily assumed the Bolshevik regime did not deserve another definition then."

The Last Onslaught of Atlantis

In 1990 - early 1993, the Barkashov movement conducted its activities for the most part in Moscow and the Moscow region and did not get into big politics. Barkashov at that time did a lot of theoretical work. For example, in 1993, from his pen, an article “The Exposed Doctrine” was published, which outlined the RNU’s point of view on world history. Alexander Petrovich stated that the legendary Atlantis really existed and even managed to capture half of Europe. Atlantean troops in prehistoric times allegedly stopped by the Etruscans, whose, as Barkashov is sure, "the most direct descendants" are the Russians. Atlantis perished, but the insidious Atlanteans captured several countries and again began a war with the "white race". For this, the Egyptian priests (of course, the descendants of the inhabitants of Atlantis) bred Jews in their genetic workshops, crossing Negroes and Arabs. And now these heirs of the Atlanteans are taking revenge on the poor Etruscans, whose only hope is the RNU. There is nothing to comment on here, except that it is worth complaining about the absence of goblins, elves and Baba Yaga as a symbol of the “Russian order”.

own goal

The Barkashovites were engaged not only in writing fantasy-style articles, but also in very specific cases. By the fall of 1993, the RNE managed to register its Moscow organization and put together several groups of "comrades-in-arms" in the regions, which made it possible to bring up to 150 Barkashovites to the streets during the October battles. RNU's participation in those events is assessed in different ways. Some leaders of the defense of the White House (for example, the head of the security company Nikolai Bondarik) generally believe that the Barkashovites voluntarily or unwittingly played the role of provocateurs. Allegedly, the supporters of the president needed a reason to shoot the parliament, and therefore, on all television channels, they began to show young people in black shirts, who, moreover, did not hesitate to stretch out their hands in a Nazi salute. Like it or not, but there is evidence that before the city hall was stormed into the surrounded White House, “comrades-in-arms” were let through police cordons.

It should also be added that the authorities did not want to arrest the RNE leader for a very long time. For three months, Alexander Petrovich was at large and was detained only on December 30, 1993. Barkashov was covered in a hospital, where he was treated under a false name after a gunshot wound to the thigh. According to the official party position, the leader of the RNU was shot dead in Krasnogorsk near Moscow by unknown killers. However, among the members of the movement there were completely different rumors. According to one version, Barkashov and a dozen other "comrades-in-arms" got very drunk and began to find out which of them fights better. Alexander Petrovich said that he was the coolest of all, some “comrade-in-arms” began to doubt, after which a brawl began. Barkashov beat an opponent, and then grabbed a gun and started shooting at him. Then it dawned on those present that things could end badly, and they tried to disarm their leader by force. In the confusion, someone accidentally pulled the trigger, thanks to which Alexander Petrovich ended up in a hospital bed.

"Companions" to order blow up businessmen

Barkashov was released from prison under an amnesty in February 1994. The RNU then enjoyed great influence among the opposition, so there were no problems with its “comrades-in-arms”. The size of the organization grew rapidly, but discipline began to fall. The situation was especially difficult in the regions, in some of which there were two or even three competing RNU organizations. The most interesting thing was that the Moscow authorities were often in no hurry to take the side of one person and preferred to drag out the conflict. Perhaps Barkashov believed that mutual squabbling helps to distract from idleness - after all, RNU does not hold rallies, and "comrades-in-arms" fail in elections.

In some places, however, local "Gauleiters" managed to organize weekly trips to the shooting gallery, and in Stavropol, some Barkashovites even graduated from tank driving courses. But if earlier such events were taken seriously, then after 1993, when the coming of extremists to power by armed means became impossible, all this began to seem like a protracted farce. Some members of the RNE have found employment in the underworld. For example, the organization of the Barkashovites of Primorye a few years ago actually turned into an office for organizing contract killings. "Companions", among whom were several former special forces, managed to blow up one businessman and seriously injure another before they were tracked down law enforcement. In Orel, everything happened even simpler: as the city newspapers wrote, local Barkashovites Shamonin, Sviridov and Ivanov, on the order of a party comrade, killed his relative and child, hoping to get money for their apartment.

In Moscow, the picture was somewhat different. The Barkashovites managed to register the Victoria club and, under this sign, under an agreement with the municipal authorities, protect the territory of the Terletsky Park. The Moscow headquarters of the RNE moved there, and the leaders of the movement managed to make decent money on guard right up to the conflict with Luzhkov. But money, apparently, was not enough for everyone, so that in the central organization there were also cases similar to the Oryol and Primorsky cases. For example, the RNE district instructor Ensign Kuzmenko, who served in a military unit in Balashikha, sold weapons to bandits. When they took him, they found a photograph of Barkashov in the merchant’s apartment with the leader’s dedication inscription: “To my best friend.”

I apologize!

On April 3, 1995, the headquarters of the organization was raided. Masked men, who introduced themselves as anti-fascists, rounded up the “comrades-in-arms”, placed a video camera next to Barkashov and forced him to tell about the secrets of some of his acquaintances, as well as to apologize to the Jews. The leader of the RNU did everything that was required of him, and even asked for forgiveness from the mysterious "persons of Negro nationality." In the end, the matter was limited to a couple of bruises, but since then Alexander Petrovich has become much more careful in his statements and actions. Perhaps this explains the fact that in recent years the RNU obediently played the role of a public scarecrow. Every time the Kremlin was in dire need of IMF loans or felt that the patience of the people was running out, the marching Barkashovites appeared on the TV screens. This was the case after the August 1998 crisis, after Primakov's resignation, and during the 1999 parliamentary elections.

One gets the feeling that the authorities specifically showed us these "terrible stormtroopers in black shirts." After all, the Family had to prove that there was someone even more dangerous in the country than the Kremlin officials, and it would be better if Yeltsin remained than the fascists would come. This state of affairs suited Barkashov himself, who received free advertising, and journalists who were accustomed to filling extra space in newspapers at the expense of the RNE. The RNE, however, was not allowed to obtain nationwide registration and participate in the 1999 parliamentary elections, when the Barkashovites planned to get into the Duma under the cover of the Spas movement. In the latter case, the Ministry of Justice and the Central Election Commission, apparently, decided to play it safe, since overcoming the five percent barrier by Spas was almost impossible. In the Stavropol Territory, for example, Barkashov's candidates were registered in the last election, but managed to garner less than a percent of the vote.

P.S. When the issue was being made up, according to our source, another split occurred within the RNU. Barkashov's deputy for work with the regions, Oleg Kassin, is rumored to have broken away from the RNU along with his loyal comrades-in-arms. The reason for the split was the alleged "drunkenness" of the head of the RNU, who allowed himself to shoot icons with a bow while drunk. Also, according to rumors, the leaders of the Voronezh and St. Petersburg organizations of RNU, the Lalochkin brothers, are separated from Barkashov.

Story. RNU is the most authoritarian (and even totalitarian) of all national-patriotic associations, which is not so much a political organization as a paramilitary formation built on the principles of unity of command and the strictest discipline.
The RNU, originally called the "Movement" National Unity for a Free Strong and Just Russia ", was created at the end of August 1990 by Viktor Yakushev and Alexander Barkashov, former members of the National Patriotic Front "Memory", expelled from it by D. Vasilyev. In the fall of 1990 There was a split in the movement. Yakushev's supporters created the National Social Union, and Barkashov's supporters changed the name of the movement to "Russian national unity".
In early 1991, the RNU issued a call to impose a state of emergency in the country, to suspend the activities of the highest executive and legislative bodies, the media, and all "unpatriotic" parties and movements. In August 1991, the RNU supported the State Emergency Committee.
In February-May 1991, Russian National Unity took part in organizing the Slavic Cathedral movement (at the II Congress of the Council in May 1991, A. Barkashov was elected a member of the Duma of the Council and Chairman of its Board), in February 1992 - in creation of the Russian National Cathedral by Alexander Sterligov. The RNU became part of the RNS (A. Barkashov became a member of the RNS Duma), but in March 1993 he left it, accusing A. Sterligov of "unexpired communism." In October 1992, representatives of the RNU attended the National Salvation Congress, which established the National Salvation Front, but subsequently did not participate in the activities of the Federal Tax Service, disappointed in its ability to take decisive action.
In September - early October 1993, members of the RNE took an active part in the defense of the House of Soviets, in connection with which the activities of the RNE were temporarily suspended, and a number of its activists, including A. Barkashov, were arrested.
On March 24, 1994, the RNU signed an agreement with Alexander Alekseev's Confederation of Free Trade Unions of Russia on the creation of the "National Social Movement" with the aim of "introducing the Russian national idea into the labor movement of Russia", but six months later this union broke up. In addition, during 1994 a number of regional branches emerged from the RNU, each attempting to create their own parties.
At the end of 1994, the RNU supported the military operation in Chechnya and declared itself "the reserve of the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Internal Affairs."
For a long time RNU was an informal organization that did not hold any official events. As a Moscow city organization, it was registered in July 1993, and the task of registering as a federal organization was set only in 1995. For this purpose, on October 15, 1995, a founding conference of the RNU was held. The delegates of the conference established the All-Russian Public Patriotic Movement "Russian National Unity" and adopted its charter.
In April 1996, A. Barkashov declared that the RNU did not intend to take part in "deceiving the people under the name of presidential elections."
Program guidelines. The goal of the RNU, like all other national-patriotic associations, is declared to be "the restoration of Russia as a national state and the revival of the Russian Nation." At the same time, it is emphasized that Russia should be "a unitary state of Russians and Russians," Russians mean "Great Russians, Little Russians (Ukrainians) and Belorussians," and Russians - "non-Slavic indigenous peoples of Russia, for whom Russia is the only fatherland." The main goal of the RNE is to "establish the Russian Order on the Russian Land" by "stopping the colonization of Russia", "stopping the genocide of Russians and indigenous peoples of Russia", "restoring the priority of spiritual values ​​over material ones", "protecting Russians and Russians anywhere in the world", "preserving raw material reserves for future generations", "ensuring a decent life for the citizens of Russia", etc.
In addition, according to unofficial statements by RNU leaders, the organization opposes mixed marriages, demands the prohibition of Judaism and "non-traditional confessions for Russia," considers it necessary to introduce "the death penalty for almost all types of crimes and a long prison term for prostitution." After coming to power, the RNU promises to "prohibit the use of foreign words in conversation, listening to recordings of foreign rock bands and watching Western videos, and prohibiting the import of Western goods." By the autumn of 1994, the RNE had more or less clearly formulated its economic program, which was based on the fact that the Russian nation should have the priority right to manage the economy. The economic doctrine of the RNU, called "national socialism", provides for "ensuring social justice", i.e. free medical care, education, etc. The "main branches of production" (energy, mining, transport, communications, military industry) and foreign economic activity are placed under state control. Private entrepreneurship ("based on the labor incomes and savings of individual citizens and labor associations") is also allowed only under the control of the state and only in the service sector and light industry. Private ownership of land is not recognized, land can be transferred to private hereditary possession, subject to its mandatory cultivation.
The estimated number of RNU is 5-6 thousand people, about 500 of which live in Moscow and the Moscow region. According to V. Pribylovsky, the number of regional branches of the RNU especially increased in 1994-95, mainly due to the transfer of other radical nationalist organizations to the RNU - primarily the Russian National Cathedral.
The RNU is built on a hierarchical principle (any elections, as in the NPF "Pamyat", are denied in principle in the RNU). The backbone of the organization is made up of "comrades-in-arms", each of which leads the "ten" "companions" (the "ten" can be from 2 to 10 people). Each "companion", in turn, is at the head of the "ten" "sympathizers" (the number of sympathizers in the top ten is not limited). Moreover, "RNU colleague" is defined as " authorized representative Russian Nation", which is obliged to "restore justice for the Russian people with its power and its weapons, without resorting to judicial and other authorities", and is entitled to resolve any issues "guided only by national legal consciousness and in accordance with the powers given to it by the Chief Companion". Jews, Gypsies, Caucasians, Central Asian Turks are not allowed in. The chairman (Main colleague) of the RNU is Alexander Barkashov, the deputy chairman is Vladimir Yakunin.
According to experts, the RNU exists at the expense of income from the activities of its members working in private security agencies, which, in fact, are the "primary organizations" of Russian National Unity.

Russian party

Story. The Russian Party differs from the majority of national-patriotic organizations in its anti-Christian, anti-monarchist and (at least at first) market orientation. These differences, however, are more than offset by zoological xenophobia (in particular, anti-Semitism) to such an extent that even "Pamyat" and RNU can hardly compete with the Russian Party.
The organizing committee of the Russian National Democratic Party (as the Russian Party was first called) was created at the end of 1990. In January 1991, the RNDP was renamed the Russian National Party, and received its current name at the founding congress (May 18, 1991). Viktor Korchagin, President of the Rossiya Association of Cooperatives, was elected chairman of the party.
At the II Congress (November 23, 1991), the Russian Party adopted the "Declaration on the Formation of the Russian State of Russia" and elected V. Korchagin as the head of the Public Russian Government. Around the same time, the RP abandoned its former focus on private property and a free market economy and moved closer to the communists. Member of the party leadership Vladimir Miloserdov was elected to the Executive Committee of the Labor Russia movement. In 1992, the Russian Party entered the Alexander Sterligov Russian National Cathedral as a collective member.
At the end of 1992, the groups of V. Miloserdov (chairman of the Moscow organization) and V. Tsykarev-N. Bondarik (St. Petersburg organization) broke away from the party, which on March 27, 1993 held an extraordinary congress of the Russian Party. Representatives of the Oryol (Igor Semenov's group), Tambov (Yegor Provalov's group), Crimean and a number of other organizations also took part in the congress. Having announced the expulsion of V. Korchagin from the Republic of Poland "for splitting and provocative activities", the participants of the extraordinary congress elected Vladimir Miloserdov as the chairman of the party, and Viktor Iovlev (Moscow), Nikolai Popov (Moscow), Igor Semenov (Oryol) and Nikolai Bondarik ( St. Petersburg). Subsequently, the party of V. Miloserdov held two more extraordinary congresses timed to coincide with registration with the Ministry of Justice: IV Congress (September 10, 1994) - for registration as an international regional organization and V congress (February 4, 1995) - for registration as a federal organization. Unlike V. Korchagin's Russian Party of Russia, V. Miloserdov's Russian Party does not adhere to an anti-Christian (pagan) orientation and advocates "private ownership of land without the right to sell it."
On March 25, 1994, the Republic of Poland, together with the Russian National Revival Party (Valery Ivanov), the Union of the Russian People, the Russian Center and the Christian-Patriotic Union, participated in the establishment of the social movement "Cathedral Russia" (which did not show itself in any way).
The Russian party of V. Miloserdov tried to take part in the elections to the State Duma of the second convocation, but failed to collect the necessary 200 thousand signatures to register its list.
The party of V. Korchagin was not registered. The party of V. Miloserdov was registered by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation on September 30, 1993 as interregional, on February 23, 1995 - as all-Russian.
Program guidelines. The essence of the program of the Russian Party of V. Korchagin was reduced to accusations against the Zionists, which, in particular, were charged with: "criminal seizure of power during the October Revolution", "unleashing the Red Terror and civil war", "creation of the Zionist economy". In this regard, the party called for "facilitating the repatriation of Jews from Russia, according to their free will," "deporting the Zionists from Russia," and also forming the "Russian State of Russia." In the economic field, the Russian Party experienced a noticeable evolution - from the recognition of private property and a free market economy to an alliance with the communists from "Labor Russia".
The change of leadership in the Republic of Poland did not lead to any noticeable change in the program settings of the party, which still advocates "the deliverance of Russia from the Masonic-Zionist yoke and the return by the Zionists of the loot to the working people", the creation of a "single indivisible Russian state within the boundaries of the territory of compact residence Eastern Slavs", the abolition of national autonomies on its territory. The program requirements of the Republic of Poland also include: the formation of "all power and other structures" on a nationally proportional basis; declaration of land and natural resources public domain, which is not "the subject of purchase and sale, pledge and usury"; creation of a mixed economy; "irreconcilable struggle against ideologies hostile to the Russian national idea, the Russian people, Russia"; "rejection of the artificial separation of powers"; "sobornost management, which implies the existence of collective bodies," etc.
Number. governing bodies. Leaders. The number of the Russian Party of V. Korchagin in the middle of 1991 was estimated at 20-30 people, at the end of 1992 - at 40-50 people. RP V. Miloserdov was more numerous. At the time of registration as an interregional organization (September 1994), it officially consisted of 380 people, in July 1995 - 2570. According to V. Miloserdov, in February 1995, the Russian Party had branches in 62 regions of Russia.
In 1991-92. the party was headed by the chairman of the party (Viktor Korchagin) and his two deputies (Nikolai Popov, Yuri Rakintsev). The governing body of the Republican Party of V. Miloserdov is the Central Council (as of July 1995 - 17 people), the chairman of the party is Air Force Reserve Colonel Vladimir Miloserdov.

VOPD "Russian National Unity"(All-Russian public patriotic movement "Russian National Unity", VOPD RNE) - Russian far-right nationalist and paramilitary organization, also operating in some countries - former republics Soviet Union. In favor of limiting the rights of non-Russians and increasing the role Orthodox Church. Founded by Alexander Barkashov, but currently run by a council of regional commanders.

At the federal level, the organization is not officially registered; is legally prohibited in a number of regions, including Moscow.

Early history

The direct origins of the RNU are in the NPF "Pamyat", which was formed on the basis of the Soviet intelligentsia by 1975. In 1985, A.P. Barkashov came to the organization "Memory", led by a large group of associates. As practical work the most capable people joined the ranks of the "Barkashovites" - that was already the name of the members of "Memory", who consolidated around A.P. Barkashov. As a result of this, Barkashov and the "Barkashovites" began to head the direction of physical protection of the NPF "Pamyat", then Barkashov became the head of agitation and propaganda of this movement, and later - deputy chairman of the NPF "Pamyat".

Movement in the 1990s

Subsequently, most of the participants in the association, led by Alexander Barkashov, left the organization "Memory". On October 16, 1990, the movement "Russian National Unity" was created. It was founded by Alexander Petrovich Barkashov. From the point of view of the members of the organization [ source not specified 162 days], RNU is the legal successor of the Oprichnina of Ivan the Terrible, the People's Militia of Minin and Pozharsky, the Black Hundred movement of the early 20th century.

From the first days of its existence, the RNE has been focusing on three areas of its activity [ source not specified 162 days] :

1. "Revival of the Russian nation"
2. "Daily and systematic introduction of this worldview into the consciousness of society"
3. "Building an organization capable of realizing the long-term goals and objectives of this worldview"

Gradually, the RNU is increasing its influence not only in the patriotic environment, but also among the broad masses of the peoples of Russia. As a result of this activity, in 1992 the RNU was formally registered with the justice authorities. Russian Federation, but actually turns into All-Russian organization. The Russian National Unity movement entered the broad political arena in September-October 1993. During this period of time, more than two hundred RNU comrades-in-arms heroically showed themselves in the defense of the Supreme Soviet of Russia. The RNU became the main organized force in defending the Russian parliament - this follows both from the recognition of the supporters of the Supreme Soviet of Russia, and from the confessions of supporters of Boris Yeltsin. October 3, 1993, at the head of a detachment of 12 submachine gunners and about a hundred militants armed with steel bars, captured the building of the Moscow City Hall, where there were two companies of special forces of the Dzerzhinsky division [ source not specified 162 days] .

Founding congress 1997

February 15 and 16, 1997 were marked by the holding of the first All-Russian Congress of the movement "Russian National Unity". At this Congress, which was held in the city of Reutov near Moscow and brought together 1075 delegates from 57 regions of Russia and about 200 guests, the All-Russian Social and Patriotic Movement "Russian National Unity" (OOPD RNE) was officially established and its charter was adopted.

For the period from 1994 to 2000. The RNU has done tremendous work, which includes the creation of a broad ideological foundation for the ideas of the RNU, the organizational and political construction of the Organization in all regions of Russia, as well as activities for the spiritual and physical education of young people in numerous military-patriotic clubs (Victoria, Vityazi, "Russian Knights", "Kolovrat", "Vikings" and many others).

Thus, by the end of 1998, the RNE had created a developed network of organizations in almost all regions of Russia and neighboring countries.

On December 19, 1998, the mayor of Moscow, Luzhkov, prohibited the holding of the II All-Russian Congress of the RNE by the decision of the Moscow government. At the II All-Russian Congress of the RNE, which was to be held in the Izmailovo sports complex, 5,000 delegates from all regions of Russia and neighboring countries were to attend. Barkashov ordered not to enter into conflicts with the employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs because this was not the goal of the RNE.

In the 1999 State Duma elections, the RNU participated as part of the Spas public movement. The Central Electoral Commission for elections to the State Duma unanimously (without a single abstention, unlike many other parties and organizations) allowed Spas, headed by A.P. Barkashov, to participate in the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation. However, as the members of the RNE themselves reported, “the presidential administration, at the last moment, received analytical information from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the FSB, FAPSI, according to which 32% of voters should have voted for Spas, led by Barkashov.”

As a result, according to the Barkashovites, the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation "received a command from the Presidential Administration." The Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation was forced to admit that a year before the elections it illegally registered the Spas movement. "Spas" in judicial order withdrew from participation in the elections to the State Duma.

Split in the organization

In the fall of 2000, a conflict broke out in the leadership of the RNE, as a result of which, on September 21, 2000, at a closed plenum of commanders of 16 large regional branches, Alexander Barkashov was announced to be expelled from the ranks of the RNE.

Alexander Barkashov continued to lead the OOPD RNU movement ("Guards Barkashov"), and re-registered the newspaper "Russian Order", which was published in 2002, to him. The final destructuring of the movement took place, as a result of which many regional organizations that expressed distrust of Alexander Barkashov and set themselves the goal of preserving the RNU united into a “network” leaderless structure, where the Council of Commanders became the highest administrative body. Other major leaders Oleg Kassin (coordinator of regional organizations of the RNU) and Yuri Vasin (head of the Moscow regional organization of the RNU) left the RNU, announcing the creation of their own movement, the Russian Renaissance. As a result, the number of the movement was greatly reduced, the Orthodox ideology was finally fixed as the main one.

On December 16, 2006, at the initiative of Moscow activists of the OOPD RNU and with the approval of Barkashov, a new movement was established - "Alexander Barkashov". After the establishment of the new movement, the structures of the OOPD were not dissolved. The Barkashovites themselves call

The passport surname, apparently, is Barkashev (through “e”), since that is how he appeared in the documents of the Central Election Commission in 1999 (in the list of the Spas block), which are drawn up strictly in accordance with the passport.

Parents - Peter Kuzmich Barkashov - an electrical worker and Lidia Petrovna Barkashova, nee Farafonova - a nurse; currently pensioners, originally from the village of Sennitsy, Ozersky district, Moscow region. Barkashov's wife, Valentina Petrovna, is also from there. Barkashov's great-uncle was an instructor of the Central Committee of the CPSU in the 40s and, according to Barkashov himself, provided big influence on the formation of his "anti-Zionist" views.

Graduated high school in 1971. He studied at the "troika" and because of this did not join the Komsomol.

In 1971-72 he worked as an electrician in the Contact and Cable Network Service in Moscow.

In 1972-74 he served in the Soviet Army in a unit which, according to A. Barkashov himself, trained "warriors-internationalists" for the Middle East. In the army he was admitted to the Komsomol. During another aggravation of the situation in the Middle East in 1973 (the so-called "Doomsday War"), A. Barkashov allegedly asked to volunteer in Egypt (he claimed that it was for the sake of sending to the Middle East that he became a member of the Komsomol), but Egyptian President Anwar Sadat quarreled with the USSR and refused Soviet services shortly before the start of the war.

In the army, he began to practice karate.

He was demobilized with the rank of reserve corporal (according to another version, A. Barkashov invented his corporal and ended his service as a private, and served not in special units, but in an ordinary military unit N89599 on the territory of Belarus - MK, 02/12/1999).

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In 1974-87 he worked as an electrician of the 3rd category at the thermal power plant CHPP-20 in the Cheryomushkinsky district of Moscow.

He studied karate with coach Alexander Shturmin, attended his karate section at a club on Tsvetnoy Boulevard. He organized a semi-legal karate club for colleagues at CHPP-20.

In 1985, he joined the Patriotic Association (PO) "Pamyat", becoming the bodyguard of the leader of the "Memory" Dmitry Vasiliev.

From 1986 to May 19988 he was a member of the Board of the PA "Memory". After the transformation in May 1988 of the PA "Memory" into the National Patriotic Front (NPF), "Pamyat" became a member of the Central Council (CA) and chief of staff, and in 1989 - deputy chairman of the NPF "Memory". He headed "counterintelligence" and "thousand" militants in "Pamyat" (in fact, there were no more than 100 people in "thousand"). In 1989-90 he was a member of the editorial board of the newspaper "Pamyat".

On June 14, 1990, without the sanction of D. Vasiliev, he organized and led a march-demonstration along the Old Arbat of 60 "Memory" militants dressed in paramilitary black uniforms.

In August 1990, he was expelled from the NPF "Memory" along with another member of the Central Council Yevgeny Rusanov - according to D. Vasiliev, for "treason" (in a later version - "for promoting National Socialism"). According to A. Barkashov, he and a group of associates ("the most disciplined, active and sincere members of the "Memory") left the "Memory" on their own initiative due to the fact that it has become a "permanent costume evening of memories." One of the reasons for the separation militants was also unwilling to act as a free work force in the Vasilyevsky agricultural cooperative "Teremok".

Together with Viktor Yakushev, he signed in September 1990 a declaration on the creation of the National Unity Movement for a Free, Strong, Just Russia (two abbreviations: "National Unity Movement for the USSR" and "Movement NOT for the USSR"). In October of the same year, the initiative group "Movement NOT for the USSR" split into the "Russian National Unity" (RNU) A. Barkashov (30-40 associates) and the National Social Union (NSS) V. Yakushev (10-15 people).

On October 16, 1990, at a general meeting of associates in a club on Dubninskaya (Dubininskaya?) Street, in which about 30 people participated, he announced the official establishment of the RNE.

On October 22, 1990, the Duma of the St. Petersburg neo-pagan "Union of Veneds" (SV), on the initiative of the then chairman of the SV Konstantin Sidaruk, decided to "full support for the Movement" National Unity "Alexander Barkashov."

At the beginning of 1991, from the texts written earlier by V. Yakushev, A. Barkashov compiled the "Principles of Russian National Unity", which became the first program of the RNE.

In February 1991, on behalf of the RNE, he issued an appeal to the officers and soldiers of the Soviet Army (leaflet "Appeal to the Army"). In a leaflet that was distributed at a rally on February 23, 1991 on Manezhnaya Square, he called on the army to take power into its own hands and introduce martial law, creating a "Temporary State Authority with emergency powers from representatives of the Armed Forces, representatives of patriotic workers, representatives of the KGB, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, citizens who served in Afghanistan", called "to introduce a state of emergency throughout the State", "suspend the activities of the highest executive and legislative authorities", "suspend the activities of all socio-political organizations and parties that did not have a pronounced patriotic character", "to carry out in Union Republics, the mobilization of reservists from citizens of Russian nationality", "suspend the newly adopted laws until their expediency is considered." He demanded to "create a special commission" "to consider the activities of representatives of the Supreme Executive and Legislative Power in the light of the articles of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR" (12 articles of the Criminal Code - including treason, espionage, sabotage, etc.), as well as "suspend activities of the mass media" - pending consideration by a special commission of this activity in the light of the same articles of the Criminal Code.

In February 1991, he accepted the proposal of Stanislav Karpov to join the leadership of the Slavic Cathedral (SS) association established at the congress on January 20, 1991, in which St. Karpov created a group that sought to overthrow the chairman of the Association Council, Vladimir Popov. After the final separation of the "Slavic Cathedral" association (at its Leningrad congress on April 6-7, 1991) into the "All-Slavic Cathedral" of V. Popov and the International Movement "Slavic Cathedral" (SS) of St. Karpov, he attended the Karpov II Congress international movement SS on May 17-18, 1991 and was elected chairman of the board of the SS Duma (St. Karpov, writer Alexander Baigushev and Polish nationalist Boleslav Teikovsky became co-chairs of the Duma).

At the beginning of 1991, he published one issue of the xerox samizdat bulletin "Russian Banner".

In late June - early July 1991, he led a detachment of RNE militants who participated (along with activists from other national-patriotic and Cossack organizations) in the so-called. "Sarov Campaign" - escorting the relics of St. Seraphim of Sarov during their transfer from St. Petersburg to the Diveevsky Monastery near Sarov (Arzamas-16). During the festivities in Diveevo, he headed the law enforcement service, formed from RNU militants and Cossacks.

On August 19-21, 1991, during the coup attempt, the GKChP ordered the RNU comrades-in-arms to "be on alert", and on August 21 sent a telegram to the GKChP leader, GKChP Vice President Gennady Yanaev, with a statement of support. Subsequently, he claimed that at first he intended to use the RNU to help the GKChPists (“... the program of the State Emergency Committee was good. It almost literally repeated the one that we had developed six months before the so-called putsch”), but, having convinced himself of the frivolity of the putsch, he abandoned his intentions.

In the autumn of 1991, he became close to the priest Konstantin Vasiliev (aka "Archbishop Lazar, the Lamb of Revelation"), who headed one of the groups of the so-called. "True Orthodox (catacomb) Church", who became his personal confessor. In December 1991, Lazar blessed A. Barkashov to create the "Corps of Guards of Orthodox Russia" and helped to obtain premises in a number of cities near Moscow for RNU strongholds (officially, the premises were registered with the communities of the "catacomb" Lazar Church).

He participated in the work of the III Congress of the "Slavic Cathedral" (SS) on January 17-19, 1992 in Moscow, at which it was decided to create - as the Russian branch of the SS - the Russian National Cathedral (RNS) headed by Alexander Sterligov co-opted to the Duma of the SS. The congress was guarded by about 100 RNE militants.

February 15, 1992 at the Constituent Congress of the RNS in Nizhny Novgorod was approved as a member of the Duma of the RNC (A. Sterligov, writer Valentin Rasputin and Governor of Sakhalin Valentin Fedorov were elected co-chairs of the Duma of the RNC; the last two were elected in absentia).

Participated in the II Congress of the RNC on June 12-13, 1992 in the Hall of Columns in Moscow, where A. Sterligov, V. Rasputin, Gennady Zyuganov and the director of the Krasnoyarsk chemical plant Petr Romanov were elected co-chairs of the Duma of the RNC for a period of 2 years. A. Barkashov himself was elected a member of the Presidium of the RNS Duma (along with Viktor Ilyukhin, Albert Makashov, Alexander Nevzorov, etc.). RNU congress meetings were guarded by RNU fighters; A. Barkashov personally ordered not to let the political scientist Sergei Kurginyan (whom he called "Azeri" and "black") into the House of Unions.

In October 1992, he signed a collective statement by members of the Duma and the Presidium of the RNS (among the signatories were also V. Rasputin, G. Zyuganov, A. Makashov, V. Ilyukhin and others) against the decision of A. Sterligov on the non-alignment of the RNS with the National Salvation Front (FTS). ) and condemning A. Sterligov's "inadmissible statements" about the possibility of cooperation between the RNS and President Boris N. Yeltsin and plans to create a coalition with the "Civil Union" of Arkady Volsky.

He sent his militants to guard the founding congress of the Federal Tax Service on October 24, 1992, but he himself did not participate in the work of the congress and did not enter the leadership of the Federal Tax Service. One of the reasons for A. Barkashov's distancing from the Federal Tax Service was the significant role in organizing the founding congress of Nikolai Lysenko, the leader of the National Republican Party of Russia (NRPR), which competed with the RNE.

At a meeting of the Duma of the RNS on November 13-14, 1992, which was mainly attended by supporters of A. Sterligov, he was elected in absentia a member of a narrower governing body - the RNS executive committee of 18 people (along with G. Zyuganov, V. Rasputin, V. Ilyukhin , St. Karpov, chairman of the "Russian Party" Vladimir Miloserdov, chairman of the "Russian Guard" Mikhail Vlasov, leader of the Moscow Region Movement "Rus" group Alexander Fedorov).

In March 1993, together with M. Vlasov ("Russian Guard") and A. Fedorov ("Rus"), he announced the withdrawal of the RNE "from the so-called Russian National Cathedral", calling the RNS "mass decoration for the new political career yesterday's and today's communist apparatchiks" and describing the ideology of the RNS as "an attempt by the communists to bring out a kind of hybrid of socialism with the paraphernalia of a pseudo-monarchy" and as "red-bellied patriotism: Brezhnev's stagnation, dressed in bast shoes and with a scythe in his hands."

In the spring of 1993, he submitted the charter of the RNU to the city department of justice of the city of Moscow for registration as a regional (city) socio-political organization (on June 27, 1993, the department of justice registered the RNU as an organization at the city level).

In August 1993, he published in the Russian National Order newspaper "The Main Provisions of the RNE Program" (one of the provisions: "Marriage or a relationship that violates the genetic purity of the Russian nation, leading to its erosion, is prosecuted").

At the end of September 1993, he brought several dozen RNU militants (according to various estimates, from almost a hundred to three hundred) to defend the Congress of People's Deputies dissolved by President B.N. Yeltsin. He claimed that he received the request to bring RNE personnel to the White House directly from the parliamentary "defense minister" Vladislav Achalov.

The role of A. Barkashov and his division in the events of September-October 1993 was assessed by some supporters of the parliament - in particular, S. Kurginyan, as provocative (S. Kurginyan: "some young people with a swastika took me [out of the White House] on September 30, pointing "..." Seeing how young people freely pass through police cordons closed to others, including doctors, seeing how they pose in front of "democratic cameras" in the form of a textbook on "Russian fascism", I naturally assume that this expulsion did not go without gentlemen "democrats").

On October 3, 1993, at the head of a detachment of 12 machine gunners and about a hundred militants armed with steel bars, by order of the White House Defense Headquarters, he stormed the city hall building on Novy Arbat.

After the execution and capture of the White House by Yeltsin's stoonists, he was not put on the official wanted list, although the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper placed a wanted ad with the signs of A. Barkashov ("below average growth, apparently 40 years old, heavy build, wears a mustache ... ") and a promise for his capture of 2 million rubles.

During the October 1993 state of emergency, the RNE was temporarily banned. A. Barkashov himself shaved off his mustache and changed his hairstyle, spread rumors about his flight abroad, but remained in Moscow. Together with Sergei Rogozhin, on October 11, 1993, he met with A. Nevzorov, in mid-December, under the protection of a personal bodyguard, he attended a kickboxing match.

On the morning of December 20, 1993, he was taken to the Vishnevsky Krasnogorsk hospital near Moscow (a closed hospital for the military) with a bullet wound to the thigh and knee. According to the official version of the RNU, the wound was the result of an assassination attempt, shots were fired from a dark-colored VAZ-2108 car with 5.45 caliber bullets when Barkashov was walking along the road to Krasnogorsk at about 4 am. The driver of a passing car picked up the wounded man 20 minutes later and took him to the hospital, where he underwent two operations. According to another version, A. Barkashov was wounded by an accidental shot while drinking with associates in a private house in Fryazino (MK, 10/28/1995), and then decided to present this incident as an operation of special services.

In the hospital, A. Barkashov called himself by a false name, but was soon identified and on December 30 declared a detainee and transferred from the Krasnogorsk hospital to the hospital of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

The first interrogation of Barkashov was held on January 4, 1994. On January 16, Barkashov was formally charged - under Articles 79 (organization of mass riots) and 218 (illegal carrying of weapons) of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, with the preventive measure left unchanged - detention.

On February 26, 1994, Barkashov and other arrested "Octobrists" were released in connection with the amnesty decree adopted by the new State Duma on February 23, 1994.

On March 24, 1994, he signed an agreement with the leader of the Confederation of Free Trade Unions of Russia (KSPR), Alexander Alekseev, on the creation of the National Social Movement (this union broke up six months later).

In August-October 1994, he supported the election campaign of the leader of the Rus group A. Fedorov, who ran for the vacant seat in the State Duma in the Mytishchi constituency near Moscow after the assassination of deputy Andrei Aidzerdzis. The campaign was accompanied by demonstrative behavior of the Barkashovites at A. Fedorov's meetings with voters, which other candidates characterized as "intimidation"; in the leaflets A. Fedorov was called A. Barkashov's "deputy").

In the elections on October 30, 1994, businessman Sergei Mavrodi won, and Fedorov received 5.93% of the vote, being in 6th place. Shortly after the defeat of A. Fedorov in the elections, A. Barkashov sharply dissociated himself from him ("In the recent elections to the State Duma in the 109th electoral district (Mytishchi), Alexander Fedorov called himself my deputy - the head of the small patriotic organization "Rus" from city ​​of Dolgoprudny. In reality, of course, he is not my deputy ... "). On December 15, 1994, by secret order, A. Fedorov was expelled from the RNU for "attempts to subvert and communicate with special services."

At the end of 1994 - beginning of 1995. moved away from the "Slavic Cathedral" (SS) of St. Karpov - mainly due to the fact that the SS lost office space in the Russian Socio-Political Center (ROPTs), which were used by the RNE together with the SS (while the eviction of the SS from the ROPTs was due to the fact that St. Karpov's office was guarded by Barkashov's militants in RNE paramilitary uniforms, and this attracted the attention of the press (MK, 01.10.1994).

At the end of December 1994, he announced the nomination on behalf of the RNE of his candidacy for the presidency of Russia in future elections.

He supported the military operation in Chechnya in December 1994 and declared the RNE "a reserve of the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Internal Affairs."

In January 1995, he circulated a statement about the "terror unleashed against the RNU". The statement mentioned 15 and described 7 allegedly terrorist acts against the RNU, including episodes that, according to the police and the press, were the results of criminal showdowns and traffic accidents.

On April 3, 1995, an armed raid was carried out on the headquarters of the RNU by employees of the Presidential Security Service of Korzhakov: 8 raiders in masks and with machine guns, introducing themselves as an "anti-fascist organization" (It seemed to A. Barkashov that it was a "Jewish anti-fascist organization"), beat one of the guards of the RNE, A. Barkashov himself was hit with a rifle butt and forced to repeat several times into the video camera that he apologized "to the Jews, Negroes and Caucasians", and then left, leaving the leader of the RNU and his associates handcuffed to a steam heating radiator. RNU press secretary Alexander Rashitsky, who came to the office a few minutes later, called the police, who freed A. Barkashov from handcuffs. A. Barkashov blamed the "special services", the Jews and his former colleague Alexei Vedenkin, from whom he dissociated himself earlier, for the incident.

In May 1995, a video recording of a pogrom at the RNU office was released to the public. Two videotapes were anonymously handed over to Alexander Khinshtein from the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper and TV journalist Oleg Vakulovsky, O. Vakulovsky retold the contents of the videotape on the air (without showing it), and A. Khinshtein published the full transcript of the recording in MK.

Justifying himself for his unheroic behavior and explaining the origin of the video, A. Barkashov called the episode a provocation, declaring it to be the culprits of A. Korzhakov, A. Vedenkin and the leader of the Congress of Russian Communities (CRO) Dmitry Rogozin ("In 1995, Korzhakov already realized that Yeltsin Khan ", and began to independently plan Lebed for the post of head of state. Through intermediaries, he suggested that I enter into some kind of alliance and create some kind of organization in the spirit of the Russian National Cathedral. It was only about organizing a wide range with a national ideology. I entered into negotiations. But when I was put the question of whether Lebed should lead the alliance, I sent all the intermediaries. I sent Vedenkin, Rogozin. After that, a week later, Rogozin told me that I would severely regret it. Korzhakov reacted immediately. He raided our office on Ilyinka, where they searched seized the documents.<...>A couple of weeks later, an alleged bandit raid took place. I immediately realized that they were Chekists, and that since they didn’t kill right away, they wouldn’t kill, and agreed to say what they wanted to record on tape. We could kill them, but then we could come with a warrant and attribute resistance to the authorities to us").

The episode with an apology to Jews and Negroes for some time slowed down the growth of the RNU (which began under the influence of the myth of the RNU as the main defender of the White House in October 1993) and even led to the departure of some of the RNU comrades-in-arms. However, in general, in 1994-95. A. Barkashov succeeded in transforming the RNE from a Moscow detachment of militants with several provincial branches into an organization, one way or another represented in half of the subjects of the federation and with a total number of 5 to 10 thousand people.

On October 15, 1995, A. Barkashov held a gathering of representatives of regional organizations of the RNE in the Rakovo boarding house near Moscow, which was called the founding conference (congress) of the RNU as an all-Russian social and patriotic movement. According to Barkashov's statement, "the congress, the conference should be the final stage of organizational work." The congress was attended by 304 delegates from 37 regional organizations.

In 1995, A. Barkashov did not have time to register the RNE as an all-Russian organization in the Ministry of Justice and did not participate in the elections of December 17, 1995 to the State Duma of the second convocation - either personally or on the lists of other organizations. Five open members or supporters of the RNU ran on December 17, 1995 for the Duma as candidates nominated by groups of voters: in two districts in Moscow and one each in the Stavropol Territory, Kaluga and Vladimir regions. Of these, the largest percentage of votes was received by A. Barkashov's lawyer Larisa Dementieva (Moscow Babushkinsky constituency N192 - 2.53%, 9th place out of 23 candidates).

In January 1996, an initiative group of voters from among the associates of the RNE was created, which nominated A. Barkashov as a candidate for the presidency. On January 24, 1996, the Central Election Commission registered the initiative group that nominated A. Barkashov (IG N 70 / 591-P, authorized representatives - Alexander Rashitsky, Konstantin Nikitenko, Alexander Budanov and others). The collection of signatures for the nomination of A. Barkashov as a candidate was actively carried out in all regions of Russia where there were RNE groups, but the required million signatures were not collected.

On April 18, 1996, A. Barkashov held a press conference at the House of Writers of Russia, at which he personally attended and announced his refusal to nominate his candidacy in the presidential elections. The press service of the RNU stated that, despite opposition from the authorities, 1 million one hundred thousand signatures were allegedly collected in support of Barkashov, but the initiative group did not submit signatures to the Central Election Commission for fundamental reasons: in order not to "equalize living people" " with the "dead souls" of other candidates." A. Barkashov declared the elections themselves deliberately frivolous.

Before the second round of the presidential elections, he did not call for voting for Boris Yeltsin (contrary to the assertions that took place in the press that he allegedly made such a call), but he clearly called NOT to vote for the communist candidate, and after the elections - in an interview with a correspondent of the Saransk newspaper " Capital C" - said that "for a number of reasons", Yeltsin's victory in the elections should be assessed positively and called those nationalists who supported Zyuganov "pederasts". He admitted that in 1996 he actually indirectly supported "Yeltsin -" he supported, based on the strategic understanding that [...] for the complete victory of the national idea in Russia, and not just for some kind of coup, the power that Yeltsin personifies and with which the people associate their most negative aspects of life, must be brought to the point of absurdity.

In 1996, he filed a lawsuit to protect the honor and dignity of the RTR television company and the journalist O. Vakulovsky, who called Barkashov "the Fuhrer of a fascist organization" - first in the amount of 100, and then 250 million rubles. The interests of A. Barkashov were represented in court by lawyer L. Dementieva. The case was heard in the Savelovsky Municipal Court, and ended with the judge satisfying the demand of RTV to send Barkashov's articles in the "Russian Order" for examination to the Institute of State and Law of the Academy of Sciences.

In October 1996, "Archbishop Lazar, the Lamb of Revelation" announced that he was depriving the RNE and A. Barkashov of his blessing - due to the fact that the "Corps of Guards of Orthodox Russia" promised to him practically does not work.

On February 15-16, 1997, in order to officially register the RNU in the Ministry of Justice, he held a new All-Russian gathering of RNU comrades-in-arms, called the "First All-Russian Congress of the RNU", in the Reutovo sanatorium near Moscow. At the opening of the congress, he attacked the policy of the United States, whose position, in his opinion, "is to arrogate to itself the right of total control over the raw material regions of the planet, over the extraction and consumption of raw materials with the transformation of the rest of the world into its raw material appendage. To do this, they use all means, including the introduction of ideological myths into the consciousness of the peoples of the world.Such ideological myths include "universal progress", "struggle for democracy throughout the world", "stable development", "new world order". ... One of the main tasks of the national ideology is the destruction of these ideological myths and illusions.

On behalf of the Russian "Cossacks" the guest of the RNU congress, ataman of the Pyatigorsk district of the Terek Cossack army (TKV), Yuri Churekov, presented A. Barkashov with a Cossack saber.

After the Reutov congress, he submitted documents to the Ministry of Justice for the all-Russian registration of the RNU, but in August 1997 he was refused due to inconsistencies in some points of the charter with the formal requirements of the law.

In September 1997, he declared that the "Russian special services" were waging war against the RNE, accusing them of being involved in the shooting on September 16, 1997 of a car with three employees of a security agency - members of the RNU near Orekhovo-Zuev, as a result of which the head of the RNU security service, Alexander Chulin, died and two militants were seriously wounded. ("The FSB wants war. And it started it. We will not take prisoners in this war. ... the FSB will pay dearly for the blood of its comrades"). The attackers, who hoped to take the cash with a large sum, were also members of the RNE, about whom A. Barkashov stated that they were allegedly introduced by the FSB in order to "organize extremist-criminal groups in the ranks of the RNU in order to discredit the RNE", but they were identified and excluded from the number of associates.

In all other cases of involvement of RNU comrades-in-arms in criminal offenses, he also declared the perpetrators of the crimes either "provocateurs" who had long been expelled from the organization, or generally denied that these people belonged to the RNU.

At the end of 1997, the Ministry of Justice for the second time refused to register the RNU under the pretext that the amendments to the RNU charter were made not by the congress, but by the Central Council, to which the congress delegated its powers. He tried to appeal this refusal in court, but on January 5, 1998, the Tagansky District Court dismissed the complaint.

In August 1998, he announced that he intended to participate in the elections for the post of President of the Russian Federation in 2000.

In October 1998, he ordered all comrades-in-arms, associates and sympathizers "to purchase for personal use as soon as possible a small army-style sapper shovel with a case for wearing at the waist" - with the aim of allegedly actively participating in "planting long-growing green spaces (trees and shrubs)".

After the Ministry of Justice refused to register, he tried to hold another all-Russian congress of the RNE in order to have time to register the RNU a year before the Duma elections and, thus, get the opportunity to take part in them.

On December 15, 1998, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov banned the holding of the RNU congress in Moscow, scheduled for December 19, 1998. A. Barkashov announced his intention to apply to the Moscow and the Prosecutor General's Office of the Russian Federation and challenge this decision of the Moscow government, which he described as "persecution of citizens and infringement of them rights on political and national grounds".

After the Moscow prosecutor's office confirmed the mayor's decision, in an interview with the NTV television company on December 22, 1999, A. Barkashov stated that "in the event of an indistinct answer [of the Prosecutor General's Office] in the spring, not five, but one hundred thousand young men will gather in Moscow, determined to defend at any cost their civil rights and freedoms.

The next day, Yuri Luzhkov filed a lawsuit against Barkashov with the Moscow prosecutor's office, regarding "Barkashov's statements as manifestations of extremism, calls for ethnic hatred, a threat against him personally and an open call for an uprising."

On December 23, 1998, A. Barpkashov held a press conference at the Vyacheslav Klykov Foundation for Slavic Literature and Culture (FSPK), at which he stated that the actions of the mayor of Moscow are "a rude attempt to eliminate a real competitor", since Luzhkov's movement (the Fatherland movement, the congress which took place on December 19) "also uses patriotic phraseology", but was afraid that "the II All-Russian Congress of the RNE, with a planned number of 4,500 delegates and 500 guests, would be a significant event in the socio-political life of Russia and would make obvious to the citizens of the country the initial failure of the "Fatherland" as parties of the nomenklatura".

He stated that in the forthcoming elections to the State Duma in 1999, the RNU "uses every opportunity to guide its people to independent constituencies" where "they will not say that they are members of the RNU." He promised that the all-Russian congress of the RNU "will definitely be in Moscow in the spring."

In the twentieth of December, he was invited to a conversation at the FSB, where he was interviewed by the head of the Constitutional Security Directorate, Lieutenant General Gennady Zotov and the head of the Moscow FSB, Colonel General Alexander Tsarenko.

On January 22, 1999, the Moscow prosecutor's office refused Yu. Luzhkov to his statement about initiating a criminal case against A. Barkashov.

On January 31, 1999, by order of A. Barkashov, a procession of RNU militants was held along the northwestern outskirts of Moscow (the so-called "black march"), in which a total of about 200 people participated. February 1, 1999 A. Barkashov, summoned to the prosecutor's office of the Northern District of Moscow for explanations about the procession, in which the administrative offense, denied his personal participation and leadership of the procession.

On February 5, 1999, as a result of Y. Luzhkov's insistence, a criminal case was initiated against A. Barkashov under Art. 318 of the Criminal Code (threat of violence against a representative of authority).

On February 22, 1999, the RNU press service issued a statement according to which the movement intends to hold a congress in Moscow approximately at the end of April 1999, regardless of the court decision. At the same time, A. Barkashov filed a statement with the Prosecutor General's Office, demanding that a criminal case be initiated against Y. Luzhkov on the grounds that the mayor had given an order to take the Jewish institutions of the capital under protection - according to A. Barkashov, this order violates Article 19 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, because the mayor puts in a more "privileged position only one ethnic group - the Jews" (information report of the press service of the RNU of February 25, 1999).

April 16-19, 1999 in the village of Severny in the House of Culture, the visiting session of the Butyrsky Court of Moscow, having considered the statement of the Prosecutor of Moscow Sergey Gerasimov about violations of the law by the RNE (distributing a newspaper in the wrong places, involving minors in political activities, as well as spreading the activities of a regional organization on the neighboring region - the Moscow region), made a decision to liquidate the Moscow regional organization of the RNU as legal entity. On April 22, 1999, the registration of the newspaper "Russian Order" was liquidated in court.

April 20, 1999 A. Barkashov signed the "Declaration of the National Bloc" - the decision to create an election "National Bloc" was announced by three associations - the "Spas" movement of Vladimir Davidenko, the "Renaissance" movement of Valery Skurlatov and RNU. During the summer of 1999, negotiations were underway to expand the "National Bloc" - including with the leadership of the Russian Patriotic Party (RPP, former Press Minister Boris Mironov) and the League for the Defense of the National Treasure (LZND, Alexander Sevastyanov). As a result, it was decided to act under the flag of the "Spas" movement, the list of which was headed by A. Barkashov, which, along with the activists of "Spas" and RNE, also included representatives of the RPP, LZND and the skinhead group "Russian Target".

The list of the "Spas" movement was certified in October 1999 and registered in early November, but then the registration was challenged in court. On November 12, 1999, the Zamoskvoretsky Court of Moscow canceled the federal registration of "Spas", on November 24 the Moscow City Court confirmed this decision, and on November 25 at a meeting of the Central Election Commission "Spas" was unanimously excluded from the ballot.

In the elections on December 19, 1999, A. Barkashov himself did not run. Of the RNE members who took part in the elections as independent candidates in majoritarian districts, the largest percentage of votes was won by security company employee Fyodor Galkin (Kavminvodovsky district N53 in the Stavropol Territory, 4.03% of the votes).

On January 10, 2000, in the city of Reutov, Moscow Region, a meeting of the initiative group was held to nominate A.P. Barkashov as a candidate for the presidency of the Russian Federation. January 18, 2000 the initiative group was registered by the Central Election Commission.

In contrast to the 1996 campaign, in 2000 the RNE collected virtually no signatures. Signature lists in support of A. Barkashov were not handed over to the CEC. A week before the presidential election, A. Barkashov called for voting "against everyone" (other political groups, mostly democratic and left-anarchist, have been campaigning under this slogan since December 1999). Leaflets with the text "Russian National Unity of A.P. Barkashov: Vote against everyone!" were posted in large numbers in Moscow.

On September 12, 2000, A. Barkashov issued a statement in which he accused his deputy Oleg Kassin of pursuing a "targeted policy of discrimination" against him and announced the expulsion from O. Kassin and the head of the Moscow branch of the RNU, Yuri Vasin, from the RNE. He said that the RNU comrades-in-arms, who remain loyal to him, will henceforth be called "Barkashov's Guards" (GB) - "with further taking a personal oath to the Leader."

On September 13, 2000, the curators of a number of organizations of the RNU of the Ural, North-West, Upper Volga, North Caucasus and Chernozem regions, as well as the heads of the Moscow, Kirov, Ryazan, Mari and Rostov regional branches, announced "the obvious inability of A. Barkashov to fully manage the movement "and decided to establish on the basis of their organizations an independent political movement. A. Barkashov was blamed for alcohol abuse, drunk shooting of the icon of the Mother of God from a homemade bow, fascination with Buddhism and non-recognition of positive changes in the country after the new president came to power.

On September 21, 2000, the opposition in the RNU held a closed plenum of the Central Council, at which A. Barkashov was declared expelled from the RNU. At the end of September - October 2000, the anti-Barkashov opposition split into two competing groups: the group of O. Kassin-Yu. Vasin, who adopted the name "Russian Renaissance", and the group of brothers Evgeny and Mikhail Lalochkin, who claim to retain the name "Russian National Unity" ( RNU).

November 20, 2005 convent In the name of the Beheading of John the Baptist (belonging to the True Orthodox Church, Metropolitan Raphael Prokopiev), he took monastic tonsure under the name of Father Michael (while continuing to live with his family).

On December 2, 2005, he was arrested near his home (Moscow Region, Ozyorsky district, Sennnitsy-2 village), after he came into conflict with an operative officer of the Organized Crime Control Department Kolomna.

In February 2006 he was released on bail.

Claims that the "genocide of the Russian people" that took place in the post-revolutionary period is "a phenomenon not of a political nature, but a phenomenon of national-racial struggle .., the upper classes of the Russian Nation (clergy, aristocracy, entrepreneurs, intelligentsia) were destroyed, and persons of Jewish nationality were occupied by the liberated places, ... the international Jewish oligarchy prepared and subsidized the Revolution and civil war(Hammer and others)."

He believes that democracy is "a society where every fool or maniac is recognized as having the right to his own understanding of the truth, where all decisions are made by an unaccountable majority, where two fools are considered smarter than one wise man, and two scoundrels are more decent than one honest person, where politicians can only be people who are able to deceive the crowd well, it simply cannot exist. Democracy is the same deception and violence against human nature as Marxism-Leninism."

Supports the establishment of former USSR"National Dictatorship", based on the "Russian National-State Idea" - by "Russian" meaning "Trinity: Great Russians, Little Russians (Ukrainians), Belarusians".

He considers it necessary to ban the sale of American goods, advertising, the display of American films and videos, and Western rock music.

RNU calls the basis of its worldview and ideology "the provisions on the nation as the highest value, on the natural priority national interests over personal ones". ... It will be possible to solve national problems and raise our country and people to a height suitable for them only when the idea of ​​national unity, based on the feeling of blood kinship of all people of Russian nationality, coming from antiquity, is established in the minds of the people. "

In the event of coming to power, he plans to introduce the death penalty for almost all types of crimes and restore Russia within the borders of 1914. He stands for "a single state based on the principles of the unity of the nation, inspired by a single national ideology and led by a single leader, who bears all responsibility to the nation and history." "It will be a conciliar device. No presidents, general secretaries and tsars. Power will be popular, not elected. After all, the wolves do not choose the leader - he becomes one. We also need a strong authoritarian government and the suppression of any manifestation of the opposition ... Rallies will be allowed, but, of course, only in defense of the new order."

He called the Portuguese dictator António Salazar his ideal politician.

In an interview, he said: "You can call me a fascist, but since this word is Italian, I call myself a Russian nationalist ...". Another time he said: “I am not a fascist, I am a Russian national socialist. Because a fascist in the literal sense is a member of the Mussolini party, which came to power in 1922 in Italy. There is little that connects us with them. In general, fascism is not applicable in any way to Russian conditions."

He treats Adolf Hitler with sympathy and respect ("He breathed life into the nation, raised it ... There is an erroneous opinion that the second world war he began. And the war was unleashed by representatives of the Jewish financial oligarchy in the USA and England.") Hitler's statement about the Russians as a "race of bastards" is justified by the fact that "the people who voluntarily assumed the Bolshevik regime did not deserve another definition then."

He sympathizes with modern German neo-Nazis (“I have not yet met nationalist organizations from Germany that would consider Russians to be second-class people. I think that all this is far-fetched moments”).

He considers "truly Russian symbols" the Kolovrat swastika inscribed in the eight-ray "star of the Virgin", and not "the Byzantine chicken with two heads."

He is hostile to almost all other leaders of Russian national radicals and speaks extremely harshly of them.

At the end of 1991, under the name of A. Barkashov, the brochures "Era of Russia" (Samizdat, 1991), "The ABC of the Russian Patriot" (two printing editions - 1993 and 1994), numerous articles in the newspaper "Russian Order" were published. According to former associates, he did not write these texts himself.

In 1992-93 he headed the officially registered law enforcement cooperative "Ratay", based in the premises of the Sverdlovsk District Council of Moscow.

Member of the editorial board of the RNE newspaper "Russian Order" (published since autumn 1992, printed in typographical way).

He has a "black belt" - the third dan in the Shotokan style (according to another version: the second dan in the Goju-Ryu style).

Hobbies and hobbies - making ancient weapons (daggers, bows, crossbows), astrology. Loves large dogs and keeps them in his apartment.

Of alcohol, he prefers vodka and, according to former associates, often abuses it.

Married with a second marriage, three adult children from his first marriage, three from his second wife Natalia.

There is a brother Vladimir, also a karateka, he passed for a black belt in Japan, he leads a section. Together they studied in 1974-1980 at the Central School with A. Shturmin.

RNU is a shameful stain of Russia!

RNU - Russian National Unity.

Fascists? Nazis? Extremists?.. Who are they?

Russian National Unity (RNU) is a national-patriotic organization created in September 1990 by the former deputy chairman of the NFP "Pamyat", electrician and karateka Alexander Barkashov. At first, Barkashov opposed the karate section to the cause of the fight against "world Jews" (he himself is the owner of the belt of the prestigious colors.) But to become a heavy figure in the field of the Black Hundreds, a uniform and a bit of ideology were needed.

By the mid-1990s, the RNU was a mature organization with strong internal party discipline and a developed regional network. Currently, RNU branches exist in more than 350 cities of Russia.

The ideology of violence, the idea of ​​the racial superiority of some people over others, professed by the theorists of Russian National Unity, appeals to the psychology of the criminal or may well serve as a catalyst for crime.

Return to the "historical homeland".
Russian fascism, and representatives of the RNU, according to some signs, can be attributed to this direction (although the current "comrades-in-arms" - people who make up the core of the movement and have made a significant contribution to the strengthening of the RNU, deny this), was born, oddly enough, in the Far East. Back in the mid-1930s, during the formation of fascism in Germany and Italy, some of the White Guard officers who emigrated to China organized a Russian fascist cell at the law faculty of Harbin University.
In Vladivostok and Primorsky Krai, in general, the National Socialists did not show high activity. Until Alexander Shestopalov appeared. Later it became known that he was none other than a RNU resident who flew from Moscow to Primorye with a special task - to establish contact with the brothers from the "SS". No matter how hard he searched, Shestopalov could not find members of the union. Having lost hope of contact with the "Slavic Union", he declared it a newspaper "duck" and created the Primorsky branch of the RNE, which he himself headed.
When Shestopalov was in power (1993-1995), his group carried out rather secretive activities, propagandizing the ideas of Russian national unity through the newspaper "Russian Order", posting frighteningly nationalist leaflets around the city. The development of their activity was not facilitated by participation in the defense of the White House during the October 1993 mutiny. When the streets of Moscow were put in order, the RNU fell into a period of great disgrace - the organization's activities were banned by a presidential decree. "Companions" briefly hid underground, and even the leader and ideological inspirer of the movement, Alexander Barkashov, spent some time behind bars.

In any city, local Nazis are very easy to recognize by their military uniform and characteristic emblem - a swastika against the background of an eight-pointed star. They usually gather in parks and crowded squares to talk, exchange information, and solve organizational problems. The overwhelming number of members of this organization are young enterprising people obsessed with nationalist ideas. The RNU is dominated by young men, most of whom work in the police, various departmental security forces, or are professional soldiers. It is difficult to assume that they are able to philosophically comprehend the future of Russia and win the trust of the broadest masses, but they are changing.
RNU today rejects fascism as a form of government for a handful of financial oligarchy, opposing it with socialist nationalism. They deny fascism, just as they deny the actions of Alexander Shestopalov and others, even if they are former members of the organization who have committed crimes. But the attitudes of modern social-nationalists are not much different from the national-socialist ideas that became widespread in the territory of Nazi Germany. For example, in their program they point out that mixed marriages that damage the gene pool of the Russian nation will be prosecuted. And in general, in everything that somehow does not coincide with their ideas, the “Russian-Edinists” see a Jewish Masonic conspiracy, considering all the troubles of Russia through the prism of racism.
They are supporters of forceful and even extremist methods of solving social and political problems. They do not accept universal human values, including human life as the main value (which is worth the participation of RNU members in contract killings). And no matter how much these people, who probably forgot that their grandfathers fought against Nazism for their sake, talked about, they say, the centuries-old runic roots of the swastika and the "ancient Slavic roots" of a hand thrown up in the form of a greeting - all the same, these signs are in the minds of the XX generation centuries were and remain symbols of fascism. Such obsessive symbolism gives rise to unhealthy paradoxes.

A correspondent from one of the newspapers in Vladivostok interviewed several leaders of the branch of Russian National Unity. Below are some questions and answers without changes:

- The first thing that catches your eye is a military uniform and a swastika. Don't you think that this makes a repulsive impression on ordinary people?

- It can repel or frighten someone, but for some it is, as they say, like a balm for a wound. Military uniform demoralizes the enemy, demonstrates our unity and determination. As for the swastika, it is the oldest Russian symbol, depicted on weapons and clothes back in the time of Prince Svyatoslav. The left swastika (kolovrat) means the presence and patronage of God in the fight against enemies. It is the main sign that opposes the Judeo-Masonic symbol - the five-pointed star.

- In whom do you see the enemy, with whom and for what are you going to fight?

- First of all, our actions will be directed against the mass genocide of the Russian people, their systematic extermination, which has been going on for a long time. We do not accept universal values ​​- there can be no common values ​​for a Russian peasant, an American military man and some Tungus. There is no internationalism, there is a Russian nation, which is being eroded by foreigners. One of the main tasks of our movement is the protection of health and the purity of the national gene pool. We also stand for the Russian people to be proportionally represented in government bodies, in the media and other structures of society. It is necessary that the Russians have the opportunity to receive free education and medical care. We are against the propaganda of sex, perversion, drug addiction... The government that is in power today does not provide any of this. On the contrary - the army is falling apart, the people are begging, natural resources are pulled apart. This must be stopped before it's too late.

- But it's all too global. What exactly are you currently doing?

- We conduct propaganda work, explain our ideas. We are trying to create youth military sports camps, we would like to prepare young people for military service...