What caused the emergence of the 1st International. Four internationals

Design and interior 03.08.2019

Design and interior

The First International is the realization of the idea of a socialist system. Long before the events of October 1917, this project appeared in the world. There are two main ideologists: Bakunin and Marx. Between them there was a serious struggle for minds, for ideological leadership. Mass accusations of espionage against Russia, slander and other tricks trampled on Bakunin.

The supporters of Marx won. It was Marxist ideas that served as the ideology of our Bolshevik revolutionaries. Does the First International have anything to do with the events of 1917 in Russia? What was it, a conspiracy or a turbulent course of history? Let's try to figure it out.

First International: year of creation

On September 28, 1864, the International Workers' Association was founded in London. Organizers - K. Marx and F. Engels with their supporters. This fellowship is the First International.

Education Background

The end of the 19th century is not an accidental time for the creation of such workers' organizations. Many events have happened in the world that contributed to this:

in 1789 in France.
The great development of modern industry in Europe, with the growth of factories, plants and consequently the number of workers.
in transport. 1807 - the invention of the steamboat, which by the end of the 19th century completely replaced the sailing fleet. Russia and Turkey are the last countries in Europe where they could still be observed. The railway network grew at a rapid pace.

All these events gave rise to the number of workers who began to think about their political and economic rights. However, everyone understood that a strong union of workers was needed. A fist that can withstand the onslaught of wealthy capitalists with administrative resources. It was on this fertile ground that the ideological "pastors" of such ideas, K. Marx and F. Engels, began their activities.

It was they who tried to direct the economic demands of the workers in the "necessary" political channel.

However, it is a mistake to think that there were two ideologists. Supporters of these ideas were among the highest financial circles in Europe. One of them is George Auger, secretary of the London Council of Trades Unions. He pushed through the idea of workers' representation in parliament.

Push to the International

The creation of the First International is associated with the first economic crisis of the capitalist system in 1857-1859. Against the backdrop of simultaneous problems in all developed industrial countries, an understanding of global unification among workers has come. It was from this period that the proletarian alliances of England and France came to the conclusion about a single international organization. event in Russia. In 1863, Alexander II cracked down on the revolution in Poland. The rebels demanded independence.

The Marxists organized workers' meetings everywhere. They described the allegedly inhuman methods of the "Russian punishers" who cut down the political freedom of the "peace-loving Poles" at the root. There was no talk of any economic demands in Poland. This corner of the empire was the most developed in this regard. The central government did not interfere in domestic Polish legislation.

Manipulation technique public consciousness and used the ideologists of the International. They directed the working masses to political demands, which had not happened before. Slogans of war with Russia were shouted out to mass approval. The proletarian began to understand his strength. In fact, they helped him do it.

"Atrocities" of Russians - a symbol of the unification of European workers

On December 5, 1863, the British workers turn to the French with a proposal of joint demands on the governments. Goals - the war with Russia for the independence of Poland.

A year later, in 1864, a joint meeting was already held in London, in St. Martin's Hall. Thus, the situation in Russia became a decisive factor for unification. K. Marx himself, who had never before appeared at such events, was present at this rally. He felt a change in the minds of the working class, who realized that he was a powerful driving force in history.

First Congress: organizing planned strikes

In 1866, in Geneva, the activities of the First International were connected with the organization of the first congress.

It adopted the charter drawn up by Marx, elected the General Council, listened to the reports of the workers. After the congress new council began to lead workers' strikes. Now these were no longer chaotic scattered performances, but well-planned actions. While the police disperse some demonstrators, others start to strike on the other side of the city.

Second Congress: the creation of political forces

In Lausanne, in September 1867, the second congress of the First International is convened.

More serious issues appeared on the agenda: the active participation of the socialist forces with the mass support of the workers in political life countries. After him, the bourgeoisie began to show serious fears for their capital and privileged position in society.

Third Congress: call to war

At the third congress in Brussels in 1868, the ideas of a military defense of their ideas were expressed. In fact, the First International called for a class revolution. At the congress, a resolution "on the manifestation of the greatest activity" appeared. One can observe the transformation of an idea from economic demands to a call for the overthrow of the regime in a fairly short period.

This could no longer be tolerated by either the authorities or the bourgeoisie. Political persecution begins. Created in France was dispersed. This dealt a severe blow to the International. Supporters across Europe began to be imprisoned, fired from their jobs, and so on.

Who needs it?

As the Roman jurist Cassius said, if a crime occurs, then someone needs it. Indeed, who could need a revolution in a rapidly developing Europe. It is paradoxical that the most radical views and calls for war fall precisely at the peak of development. Never before have Europeans lived in such conditions. History repeated itself with our country. It was during the period of the greatest power of the state in the history Russian Empire similar forces are activated in our country. However, our society could not cope with such a threat. Why was the First International not viable? Has he disappeared from the political struggle? This will be discussed further.

First International: Briefly about further events

The First International was not ready to unite in a single revolutionary struggle in Europe. Wise Europeans have understood that it is necessary to follow the path of liberalism, not revolution. After that, the General Council of the International moved to the USA. Its further manifestation will affect our history during the February and then the October revolutions. It is from the United States that the founder of the idea of world revolution will come, however, we will assume that perhaps this is a coincidence. The First International formally existed until 1876, where a decision was made in Philadelphia to terminate it.

Results

It is noteworthy that the First and Second Internationals aimed at the obligatory overthrow of the political systems of a rapidly developing Europe. Bakunin was just against it. He called only for the improvement of the life and work of the working class. Perhaps that is why a whole Marxist conspiracy was organized against him. According to one version, this was done in order to eliminate a competitor. It was the socialist revolution, the destruction of prosperous Europe, that was important to the leaders of the International.

Lenin mentions such plans of the International in his writings: “With the creation of the International Association of Workers, for the first time in history, a mass international independent party of the proletariat appeared, which, thanks to the leadership of Marx, put the principle of class struggle against the bourgeoisie as the basis of its activity.”

Subsequent events in history led to this. Only the role of the driving force of world chaos was not the socialist International, but the nationalist forces of Germany, which came on the ruins of the world war. It is noteworthy that it was bankers from the USA who provided Hitler. Perhaps this is a coincidence.

INTERNATIONAL 1st (Me-zh-du-na-rod-noe then-va-ri-shche-st-vo-ra-bo-chih) - the first mass-so-vaya me-zh-du-folk -ly-tic or-ga-ni-za-tion pro-le-ta-ria-ta.

Ob-e-di-nyal ra-bo-chie unions from 13 European countries and the USA. Os-no-van September 28, 1864 before-one-hundred-vi-te-la-mi of British trade unions, French ra-bo-chih or-ga-ni-za-tsy, as well as so-cya- li-hundred-mi-emig-ran-ta-mi from Germany, Poland-shi and other countries, co-braving-shi-mi-sya in St. Martin's-hall in Long-do - not with the aim of declaring a pro-test against the pressure of the European powers of the Polish resurrection of 1863-1864. Ru-ko-vo-dying organ of the International of the 1st - from bi-rai-my at the con-gres-sakhs in Long-do-ne, since 1872 in New York). An educational ma-ni-fest and the charter of the Me-zh-du-people's partnership of workers-bo-chih would be under-go-to-le-na before-sta-vi-te-lem of the German sec -tion and a member of the leadership of the International of the 1st K. Marx and approved by the General Co-ve-tom on November 1, 1864. In these do-ku-men-tahs, in a general form, would there be sfor-mu-li-ro-va-ny goals for the ra-bo-che-th movement - to destroy something the same of all-to-the-class-of-the-go-government, us-ta-nov-le-niye of the power of pro-le-ta-ria-ta, pro-voiced - the main principle of movement is “os-in-bo-zh-de-nie of the ra-bo-che-th-class-sa must be for-how-va-but sa-mim ra- bo-chim class. In the mouth-ta-ve it was-lo for-fic-si-ro-va-but with-che-ta-nie de-mo-kra-tic rights of national organizations-ga-ni-za-tions from the center-tra- li-for-qi-her, obes-pe-chi-vav-shey is the only-st-vo dey-st-wiy pro-le-ta-ria-ta in the international-folk scale-be. Views of the dei-te-la-mi of the 1st International, close to K. Marx and F. En-gel-su (members of the Council since 1870), whether A. Be-bel, V. Liebk-necht (Germany), I.F. Bekker (Switzerland), F.A. Zor-ge (USA), H. Me-sa, P. Ig-le-si-as Pos-se (Is-pa-niya) and others. In the activities of the International of the 1st active -but teaching-st-in-va-whether Russian re-in-lu-cio-not-ry M.A. Ba-ku-nin, G.A. Lo-pa-ting and P.L. Lav-ditch. The efforts of the Gen-ne-ral-no-go co-ve-ta of the International of the 1st would be-whether-right-lena to attract new members to the work whose unions, on the or-ga-ni-for-tion of co-gift-nyh actions, the intensification of a hundred-chech-noy struggle, the development of ra-bo -whose pe-cha-ti.

You-ra-bot-ka-pro-gram-we and so-ti-ki me-f-du-folk-ra-bo-che-go movement pro-is-ho-di-la on con-fe -ren-chi-yah and con-gres-sah of the International of the 1st. At the 1st con-gres-se (September 3-8, 1866, Zhe-ne-va; 60 de-les-ga-ts, representing 25 sections and 11 ra-bo-chi societies of Ve-li-ko-bri-ta-nii, France, Switzerland-ts-ri-ri and Ger-ma-nii) taking a decision about not-about-ho-di- mo-sti for-co-but-dative introduction of 8-hour-so-on-th-ra-bo-th-day, oh-ra-not women's and children's work -yes, obligatory-for-tel-nom in-li-technical about-ra-zo-va-nii, from me-not-one-hundred-yan-th armies, etc. Specially known che-nie had-la re-zo-lu-tion about trade unions, someone-paradise closely linked-zy-va-la eco-no-mic struggle-bu pro-le-ta-ria -ta with a-li-ti-che-sky. Congress ut-ver-dil us-tav of the International of the 1st. 2nd con-gress (September 2-8, 1867, Lo-zan-na; over 60 de-le-ga-ts from Switzerland-tsa-rii, Ve-li-ko-bri-ta-ni, France tion, Germany, Belgium and Italy) adopted a resolution declaring political freedoms not-about-ho- di-my us-lo-vi-em so-qi-al-no-go os-in-bo-zh-de-niya pro-le-ta-ria-ta. 3rd Congress (September 6-13, 1868, Brussels; about 100 de-le-ga-ts from Belgium, Ve-li-ko-bri-ta-ni, Germany, Spain, Italy, France and Switzerland) approved the resolution on the generalization of the st-in-le-ni of the earth, iron of roads, mines and ore-ni-kov and about not-about-ho-di-mo-sti development of machines of no-th-production as the basis-but-you-kol-lek- tiv-no-go labor-yes and pre-syl-ki for re-re-ho-yes to the social-cia-listic system-te-me ho-zyay-st-in-va-nia.

By the end of the 1860s, there was a trend towards the formation of the first parties of the ra-bo-che-th class in certain countries. In September 1868, the Nuremberg Congress of the Soyuz-bo-chih pro-sve-ti-tel-sky societies (14 thousand people) announced its support for the program -We are the 1st International. In August 1869, at a congress in the city of Ey-ze-nach, there was-la os-no-va-na So-tsi-al-de-mo-kra-tic-ra-bo-tea party Ger-ma- nii (see So-tsi-al-de-mo-kra-ti-che-sky party of Germany). 4th con-gress (September 6-11, 1869, Basel; 78 de-les-ga-ts from Ve-li-ko-bri-ta-nia, France, Germany, Bel- gia, switzerland, italy and is-pa-nii) confirmed the brus-sel-sky resolutions on the generalization of the st-in-le-ni of the earth and supported you-ra-bo-tan-ny by K. Marx the principle of soy-for-ra-bo-che-th-class and kre-st-yan-st-va. Ideas after-before-va-te-lei P.Zh. Pru-do-on, you-st-fell-for-storing a part of your own-st-ven-no-sti on the ground, didn’t find support for con -gres-sa.

Franco-Prussian war-on 1870-1871 in me-sha-la co-zy-vu of the next con-gres-sa of the International of the 1st, someone should- wives were together in September 1870 in Mainz. Marx in the call of July 23 and September 9, 1870, made on behalf of Gen-ne-ral-no-go co-ve-ta, pro-ana-li-zi- ro-val ha-rak-ter war-ny and op-re-divided so-ti-ku of the European pro-le-ta-ria-ta in its conditions-lo-vi-yah, calling ra-bo -whose class, pre-zh-de of all German and French workers, to in-ter-na-tsio-nal-no-mu one-st-vu. International 1st race-smat-ri-val struggle for peace as part of the os-in-bo-ditelny struggle of the ra-bo-che-th class. July 21, 1870, whether de-ry of the German so-tsi-al-de-mo-kra-tii V. Liebk-necht and A. Be-bel from-ka-za-li-lo-co-vat to the Reichs -ta-ge for military credits. View-of-we-mi dei-te-la-mi of the Paris com-mu-na of 1871 were members of the International of the 1st (E. Var-len, L. Frankel, Ya. Dom -brovsky, E. Dmitriyeva and others), many of them died on the bar-ri-ka-dah. According to the ru-che-tion of the General-no-go-so-ve-ta Marx on-pi-sal an invocation to all members of the Me-zh-du-people's partnership in Ev-ro -ne and the United States of Amer-ri-ki - “Civil war in France”, in some rum there was a pre-pri-nya-ta in-torture of the theoretical generalization of the lessons of the Parisian committee.

On September 17-23, 1871, the London-Don conference took place de-le-ha-tov of the 1st International, on someone under the leadership of K. Marx and F En-gel-sa was a pro-ana-li-zi-ro-van experience of the Paris com-mu-na. Conference pri-nya-la-she-tion about not-about-ho-di-mo-sti-creation in each country-not self-stand the political party of the pro-le-ta-ria-ta as a solution to the condition of the pro-le-tar-sky re-vo-lu-tion. To this moment, the angle of the conflict between the mar-xi-st-sky ru-ko-vo-dstvo of the International of the 1st and M.A. Ba-ku-ni-nym. Not getting to-b-shis admission-e-ma to the International 1st OS-no-van-noy them in 1868 of the anar-hi-st-organization “Me-zh-du-folk al-yans so-cia- lististic de-mo-kra-tii ”, Ba-ku-nin in 1869 announced the ros-pus-ke al-yan-sa, keeping it inside the International of the 1st as a secret organization. At the 5th con-gres-se (September 2-7, 1872, Gaa-ha) between Marx and the main theo-re-ti-com anar-khiz-ma Ba-ku-ni-nym raz-ver-well-las ost-paradise fight-ba. Marx in pro-ti-vo-weight Ba-ku-ni-well recognized-shaft not-about-ho-di-bridge-storage-non-niya go-su-dar-st-ven-no-sti and the creation of political parties of pro-le-ta-ria-ta within the framework of individual states. Ba-ku-nin and his partner J. Gil-om would be excluded from the International of the 1st, but the influence of the anarchists on the international -du-folk work-bo-chee-s-s-storage-elk.

In conditions-lo-vi-yah pre-follow-before-va-ny co-cya-lists in Europe-ro-pe after-pressure-le-tion of the Parisian com-mu-na and in the face of the threat of the internal race-to-la, the General Council, at the insistence of Marx and En-gel-s, was re-re-ve- day to New York and half-new-new-lyon. F.A. Zor-ge, F. Bol-te and others. However, this is not uk-re-pi-lo according to the zi-tion of the International of the 1st in the pro-lethar-sky movement and not when-ve-lo to his con-co-li-da-tion. Teach-you-vaya that the ideas of mark-siz-ma are lu-chi-li dos-ta-precise-but shi-ro-some races-about-country-non-nie in a working environment , K. Marx considered the historical task of the International of the 1st you-full-nen-noy. “Events and not-out-of-escape development ... s-mi-for-bo-tyat-sya about the re-stand-new-le-nii In-ter-na-tsio- on-la in an improved form, ”he wrote to F.A. Zorge. The 1st International was ofi-tsi-al-no-dis-p-o-schen re-she-ni-em of the Phi-la-del-fi-con-fer-ren-tion of 1876.

Historical sources:

La Premiere Internationale. Recueil de documents. Gen., 1962. Vol. 1-2;

Pro-to-ko-ly Gen-ne-ral-no-go So-ve-ta First In-ter-na-tsio-na-la. M., 1961-1965. [T. 1-5];

First In-ter-na-tsio-nal and Paris Com-mu-na. Do-ku-men-you and ma-te-ria-ly. M., 1972.

Title page of the first edition of the Founding Manifesto and Provisional Rules of the International Workingmen's Association.

International 1st, International Workingmen's Association (1864-76), first mass international organization the proletariat, whose founders and leaders were K. Marx and F. Engels. The 1st International was the most important stage in the struggle of the founders of scientific communism for the proletarian party, the continuation of the work begun by them in Union of Communists.

The 1st International arose during the years of the highest flowering of pre-monopoly capitalism, in the midst of the upsurge of the general democratic and labor movement of the early 60s. 19th century Having grown in numbers and enriched by the experience of revolutions -49, the working class of the economically most developed countries of Western Europe, freeing itself from the influence of the bourgeoisie, took the path of an independent political movement.

I. 1st was founded on September 28 on international meeting, which was convened at St. Martin's Hall in London by British and French workers who jointly protested against the suppression of the Polish national liberation uprising -64 by the European powers and sought to create an international workers' association to protect common class interests. Representatives of Polish, Italian, Irish and German workers also took part in the meeting, among them was Marx; “...among all the participants,” F. Engels wrote, “there was only one person who clearly understood what was happening and what needed to be founded: this was the person who, even in his early days, threw the call into the world: “Proletarians of all countries, unite !”” (Engels F., see Marx K. and Engels F., Soch., 2nd ed., vol. 22, p. 355). Marx joined the steering committee elected at the meeting (later called the General Council) and a narrower Standing Committee separated from its membership. Rallying the most conscious members of the council around him, he actually headed I. 1st, putting an end to the attempts of bourgeois elements (G. Mazzini and others) to become the head of the labor movement.

The Constituent Manifesto and the Charter of the International Workingmen's Association prepared by Marx (see ibid., vol. 16, pp. 3-15) were approved by the General Council on November 1, 1864. These most important program documents formulated in the most general form the goals of the proletarian movement - the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of the power of the working class - and its basic principle is proclaimed - "the emancipation of the working class must be won by the working class itself." In order to unite the disparate detachments of the European working class, it was necessary to put forward a program that "... would not close the doors to the English trade unions, French, Belgian, Italian and Spanish Proudhonists and German Lassalleans" (Engels F., there same, vol. 22, p. 61). Joint participation in class battles, unity of action by the international proletariat, exchange of experience in the press and at congresses were to gradually lead the working masses to accept the ideas of Marxism as a doctrine that reveals the objective laws of social development and meets the fundamental interests of the working class of all countries.

The charter recorded a combination of democratic rights national organizations with centralization, which ensured the unity of action of the proletariat on an international scale. The leadership was exercised by the General Council, elected annually by the general congress and located before in London, and then in New York. In each country, I. 1st relied on already existing workers' organizations or on newly formed sections. In fact, directing the work of the General Council and I. 1 as a whole, Marx served as corresponding secretary for Germany and some other countries. In September 1870, Engels also joined the Council, having moved from Manchester to London. Marx and Engels rallied the advanced workers around them various countries, gradually moving to the position of scientific socialism. A. Bebel, W. Liebknecht (Germany), J. F. Becker (Switzerland), F. A. Sorge (USA), J. Mesa, P. Iglesias ( Spain), members of the General Council - the Germans F. Lessner, I. G. Eccarius, the French E. Dupont, O. Serraier, P. Lafargue, the Swiss G. Jung, the Englishman R. Shaw, the Irishman J. P. McDonnell, the Hungarian L. Frankel, the Pole V. Vrublevsky, and others. Russian revolutionaries P. I. Utin, G. A. Lopatin, E. L. Dmitrieva, and P. L. Lavrov actively participated in the activities of I. 1st.

From the first days, the efforts of the General Council were aimed at involving workers different countries in the ranks of I. 1st, on the organization of solidarity actions of workers and the strike struggle, the development of the workers' press. I. 1st became the organizer of the political actions of the proletariat (the struggle for democratic electoral reform in Great Britain, etc.), resistance to the aggressive policy of the ruling classes. The conferences and congresses of I. 1 began to influence the development of the program and tactics of the international proletarian movement.

The London conference of the International Workingmen's Association (September 25-29), in whose meetings the leaders of sections on the continent and members of the General Council took part, approved the agenda of the upcoming congress. Despite the opposition of the French and Belgian Proudhonists, Marx achieved the inclusion in it of the demand for the restoration of Poland on a democratic basis, which created the basis for joint actions by the workers of various countries against the reactionary foreign policy of European governments. Refusing this demand, the Proudhonists actually justified the treacherous policy of the ruling classes of Great Britain and France in relation to Poland, and showed a lack of understanding of the significance of the national liberation struggle. In the discussion that unfolded in the General Council in the spring of 1866 national question, Marx criticized the position of the Proudhonists. At his request, Engels wrote the article "What does the working class care about Poland", in which he substantiated the need for the proletariat to have an uncompromising attitude towards the policy of national oppression (see ibid., vol. 16, pp. 156-66).

The first congress of I. 1st was held in Geneva on September 3–8, 1866. It was attended by 60 people, representing 25 sections and 11 workers' societies in Great Britain, France, Switzerland, and Germany. Unable to attend the congress, Marx prepared draft resolutions (see "Instructions for Delegates of the Provisional Central Council on Certain Issues", ibid., pp. 194-203), which formed the basis of the decisions of the congress on the legislative limitation of the working day to 8 hours for everyone workers, the protection of women's and children's labor, compulsory polytechnic education, the abolition of standing armies, etc. Of particular importance was the resolution on trade unions, which was directed both against the Proudhonists, who denied the need for trade union organizations, and the German Lassalleans, who neglected them, and against the English reformist leaders who reduced the activity of trade unions to a purely economic struggle within the framework of a capitalist society. The resolution closely linked the economic struggle of the proletariat with the political one. The Congress noted the great educational value of cooperation, which shows the workers the possibility of a socialist organization of labor, which can be realized, however, only after the transfer of power into their hands. Congress approved the Charter of I. 1st.

Press of the 1st International.

The decisions of the Geneva Congress, which completed the period of the formation of I. 1st as a mass proletarian international organization, were a significant success in the programmatic and organizational principles of Marxism.

The second congress took place in Lausanne (Switzerland) September 2-8, 1867. It was attended by more than 60 delegates representing the workers of Switzerland, Great Britain, France, Germany, Belgium and Italy. Among the German, Belgian and other delegates, a significant group of supporters of collective ownership of land emerged, demanding that the agrarian question be included in the agenda of the next congress. A resolution was also adopted recognizing political freedoms as a necessary condition for the social emancipation of the proletariat.

I. 1st was the forerunner of the communist parties that arose in the 20th century. under the banner of Marxism-Leninism. Its significance is enormous. “It is unforgettable, it is eternal in the history of the workers' struggle for their liberation,” wrote V. I. Lenin. “He laid the foundation for that edifice of the world socialist republic, which we have the good fortune to build” (Poln. sobr. soch., 5th ed., vol. 38, p. 230).

Literature:

K. Marx and F. Engels, Soch., 2nd ed., vol. 16, 17, 18, 31, 32, 33;
Lenin V.I., Karl Marx, Poln. coll. soch., 5th ed., v. 26;
his own, the Third International and its place in history, ibid., vol. 38;
his own, ibid., vol. 1, p. 287; vol. 4, p. 170-71;
Minutes of the General Council of the First International, [vol. 1-5], M., 1961-65;
Basel Congress of the First International, September 6-11, 1869, [M.-L.], 1934;
London conference of the First International, September 17-23, 1871. [Protocols, M.], 1936;
The Hague Congress of the First International, September 2-7, 1872 Protocols and documents, M., 1970;
First International and the Paris Commune. Documents and materials, M., 1972;
Die Internationale in Deutschland (1864-1872). Documente und Materialien, B., 1964;
La Premiere Internationale. Recueil de documents, v. 1-2, Geneve, 1962;
First International, part I (1864-1870) - part 2 (1870-1876) - part 3.
First International in historical science, M., 1964-68;
K. Marx. Biography, M., 1968;
F. Engels. Biography, M., 1970;
From the history of Marxism and the international labor movement. To the 100th anniversary of the founding of the 1st International, M., 1964;
Marx and some questions of the international labor movement of the XIX century (Articles and documents), M., 1970;
Kunina V. E., Karl Marx and the English labor movement (1845-1883), M., 1968;
Kolpinsky N. Yu., Activities of F. Engels during the years of the 1st International, M., 1971;
Kozmin B.P., Russian Section of the First International, M., 1957;
Knizhnik-Vetrov I. S., Russian activists of the First International and the Paris Commune, M.-L., 1964;
Koroteeva A., The Hague Congress of the 1st International, M., 1963;
Gonzalez A., History of the Spanish Sections of the International Workers' Association. 1868-1873, M., 1964;
Grigorieva I. V., The workers and socialist movement in Italy in the era of the 1st International, M., 1966;
1st International and the Paris Commune. Index of literature published in the USSR. 1917-1970, M., 1971.

I. A. Bach.

This article or section uses text

which covered many countries. The labor movement began to revive, strikes became more frequent. The consciousness of the community of their interests, of international proletarian solidarity, grew stronger among the workers.

The workers were increasingly convinced by experience of the harm done to the interests of the proletariat by the disunity of the workers of different countries. As early as 1863, negotiations were taking place between the workers of England and France on the creation of an international workers' organization. The British workers addressed the workers of France with a letter. It contained a call to unite in order not to allow the capitalists to set the workers of different countries against each other. The proletarians of France, in their response to "friends and brothers" in England, wrote ""You are right ... Our salvation is in solidarity." On September 28, 1864, a crowded rally in support of the Polish national liberation uprising gathered in London. At least two thousand people were present. There were workers from England, France, Germany and other countries, revolutionary emigrants who lived in London. The participants in the meeting enthusiastically decided to create an international workers' organization, which was soon called the International Association of Workers. Marx was present at the meeting; he did not speak, but was elected to the composition of the leadership of the proclaimed organization.The governing body was later called the General Council.Marx (and after him Engels) were the first to realize the world-historical significance of a fait accompli and gradually took over the leadership of this rather motley body.At the request of the General Council, Marx prepared the Founding Manifesto and the Provisional Charter of the partnership, unanimously approved on November 1 of the same year.

In the Constituent Manifesto, he showed that the development of industry and the growth of wealth under capitalism will not bring relief to the working people as long as power is in the hands of the bourgeoisie.

“The conquest of political power has therefore become the great duty of the working class,” Marx pointed out. In numbers, the workers can expect to win. But numbers don't make the difference. In order to achieve victory over the bourgeoisie, the working class must unite and create its own party. The manifesto called on the workers to fight the unjust predatory wars. Like The Communist Manifesto, it ended with the great historical slogan: "Proletarians of all countries, unite!".

Further work and split

The highest governing body of the International was the congress. Between congresses, the leadership was exercised by the General Council. Sections of the International, local organizations, were created in individual cities and countries. The General Council was in London. In 1865, sections of the International were created in many European countries.

The International began to lead the strike struggle of the workers, organizing the fraternal mutual assistance of the working countries. In 1867 a strike of bronze workers broke out in Paris. In response, the owners fired all the workers, counting on the fact that the workers, doomed to starvation, would not last long. But the International came to their aid. Money was quickly collected from the English workers and sent to France. Upon learning of this, the owners retreated. The news of the workers' victory quickly spread throughout France. The workers began to oppose the capitalists more boldly, and the number of members of the International increased. His authority grew among the proletariat.

Among the members of the International there were many supporters of the French socialist Proudhon, who called on the workers to cooperate, showed in his writings "What is property?" etc., that ownership of the means of production is theft. In his vision, independent artisans, peasants, and cooperatives should change their products on the market; factories and other large industries should be managed by trade unions operating on the principle of direct democracy; the state should be abolished, and in its place society should organize a federation of free communes - Proudhon became the theorist of federalism. He expounded his views in a number of books, including The Philosophy of Poverty. Friendly relations between Marx and Proudhon broke down when the former responded to this book with his own, The Poverty of Philosophy, in which he expressed his point of view. The supporters of Proudhon and Marx continued their struggle in the International. In 1866, the First Congress of the International was held in Geneva. Congress discussed the issue of trade unions. The decision of the congress said that the trade unions should organize the struggle of the proletariat against the system of wage labor and the power of capital.

In 1867, the Second Congress met in Lausanne, and in 1868 in Brussels, the Third Congress of the International. As a result of heated disputes and heated discussions, it was decided that not only mines, mines, forests, factories, etc. should be turned into public property, but also land. The IV Congress in Basel in 1869 confirmed this decision.

The theory of "Scientific Communism", developed by Marx, found opponents in the face of the anarchists, headed by Bakunin. Bakunin himself put forward the ideas of an international brotherhood of working people and entered into International Society Working people ("First International"). Marx had long persuaded Bakunin to join the International, seeing in him a remarkable, practically equal theoretician and, most importantly, a born organizer and agitator, a genuine popular tribune, who, moreover, had long gravitated towards the socialist ideology and shared its main provisions. After all, it was Bakunin who made the first Russian translation of the Communist Manifesto, written and published by Marx and Engels back in 1848. But he believed that any power, including the power of the Communists over the people, is evil, and the main evil that needs to be eliminated is the state. He called for the destruction of every state. This courageous practical revolutionary, who took a direct part in the struggle of the working people against capital, expounded his philosophy in his works The State and Anarchy, The Knuto-German Empire and the Social Revolution, Conflicts in the International, Libertarian Socialism, Freedom and others. If Marxists ascribe to the industrial proletariat the role of the only revolutionary class, opposing the peasantry to it, Bakunin believed that the alliance between the rural and industrial world was rich in revolutionary possibilities, that the anti-state rebellion of the peasantry should find complementarity with the spirit of workers' discipline.

Marx and Engels insisted on their theory as the only true one. In fact, as a result of the confrontation and division into Marxists and the anti-authoritarian wing, the International Society of Workers or the First International ceased to exist in the end.

During the Fourth Congress in Basel (September 6-12, 1869), various currents within the International Society of Working People became especially clearly defined. Voting on various resolutions and amendments revealed the following "balance of power":

63% of the delegates grouped under the texts of the so-called anti-authoritarian wing (“Bakuninists”), 31% grouped under the texts of activists called Marxists. 6% supported their mutualist beliefs (Proudhonists).

At the same time, the first two currents agreed and voted for the proposal for the socialization of the land. And, finally, unanimously the congress decides to organize the working people into resistance societies - syndicates (trade unions).

The split occurred at the beginning of September 1872 during the Fifth Congress, in The Hague. The place of the congress has already caused controversy (some associations believed that it should remain in Switzerland). James Guillaume and Adhemar Schwitzguebel were instructed to present the "anti-authoritarian" movement at the congress officially and to leave the congress in the event of a negative vote on the structure of the International. The Congress brings together 65 delegates from a dozen countries. Due to the official preservation of its autonomous international structure(Democratic Social Alliance), Bakunin and his supporters were expelled from the International. “Marxism has won in the First International,” the Marxists will write, but can this be called a victory? The General Council was moved to New York. Activists and associations in solidarity with the excluded have left the International Workers' Association.

After the weakening caused by the repressions that followed the suppression of the Paris Commune, this split became fatal for the First International, its activity progressively died out. Based in the USA, the International continued to exist for 4 years. In 1876, a decision was made to dissolve it.

Part of the I International, which did not obey the decisions of the Hague Congress on the issue of the political activity of the proletariat, continued to convene congresses. Their organization continued to be called the International Workers' Association, or better known as the Anarchist International. In 1877-1923, the activity of this organization froze, but in 1922 it was revived with the same name, better known as the Berlin International of Trade Unions, which still exists today.

Notes

Links

Review of the First International program, Marx vs. Bakunin, Franco-Prussian War, Paris Commune 1871; author - Fractal Vortex

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The workers were more and more convinced by experience of the harm done to the interests of the proletariat by the disunity of the workers of different countries. As early as 1863, negotiations were taking place between the workers of England and France on the creation of an international workers' organization. The British workers addressed the workers of France with a letter. It contained a call to unite in order not to allow the capitalists to set the workers of different countries against each other. The proletarians of France, in their response to "friends and brothers" in England, wrote: "You are right ... Our salvation is in solidarity."

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