Sultan Jelal ad-Din. Genghis Khan

In 1999, large-scale celebrations were held in Uzbekistan dedicated to a rather unusual date. The country celebrated the 800th anniversary of Dejalal-ad-Din, the last Khorezmshah, who is revered as a national hero in a number of Central Asian states. In Turkmenistan, for example, several songs have been written about him. Moreover, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Afghanistan at one time even argued about which of them has more rights to Jalal ad-Din.

Monument to Jalal ad-Din in Ugrench

In the end, friendship won. In fact, the last Khorezmshah was not so much a liberator as a cruel conqueror. He lived for 32 years, most of which he spent in campaigns and wars. Having lost his homeland, Jalal ad-Din simply decided to win a new one for himself.

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Death of Khorezmshah Ala ad-Din

At the beginning of the 13th century, the state of Khorezmshahs was at the peak of its prosperity and power. Its borders stretched from the Persian Gulf to the Aral Sea and from Transcaucasia to China, controlling all of Central Asia. The pearl of this kingdom of deserts and mountains was Khorezm, one of the richest cities of the Middle Ages. Curiously, it flourished during the reign of Ala ad-Din Muhammad II, whose name is associated with the fall of the state. By 1218, Khorezmshah had the most numerous army in the world under his command. Its number reached a million people (approximately equal in infantry and cavalry).

At the age of 20, Jelal headed a powerful, but non-existent state

He managed to significantly expand his possessions by conquering the northern part of India, but just in the process of this conquest he faced a new, completely unexpected threat. This threat was the Mongols coming from the east. In a clash with Genghis Khan, Ala ad-Din showed the worst qualities of a ruler and military leader: cowardice, indecision and senseless cruelty. At the insistence of his mother, he executed the Mongol ambassadors who offered him an alliance, and when the troops of Tohuchar-noyon and Subedei invaded Khorezm, he did not dare to fight. In the war, Khorezmshah solved his internal problems, trying to weaken the all-powerful Kangly nobility - relatives and trusted people of his mother.

He managed to execute several Kanglys, among whom were promising commanders, and did not allow several parts of his army to be united, hoping that the Mongols would defeat them separately, saving him from internal opposition. To give a battle, however, he still had to. In 1218, a grandiose battle took place in which the army of Khorezm stopped the Mongols. It didn’t break, but it held back the offensive. Ala ad-Din owed his success in battle to his 19-year-old son. Young Jelal commanded the right flank.

He managed to crush the left wing of the Mongol army and, attacking the center, held back his onslaught on his father's position. The Mongols left, but after a few months, Genghis Khan sent a 50,000-strong army to conquer Khorezm. She moved through the territory of the enemy without visible effort. The Mongols met almost no resistance and took the cities with ease.

One by one, the richest and most prosperous Otrar, Khujand, Tashkent, Bukhara, Merv, Neshapur, Urgench and, finally, the capital, Samarkand, fell. All this was accompanied by monstrous bloodshed. In Merv alone, about half a million citizens were exterminated. Ala ad-Din did not come to the aid of his subjects. At the decisive moment, he panicked.

Jelal ordered to drown his harem, but the soldiers did not fulfill this order well.

Khorezmshah gathered an army to defend Samarkand, but, for some reason, retreated from the capital and went to the east. His people simply fled. Ala al-Din went from Asia's most powerful ruler to a destitute beggar in just a year. In the text about Subedei, we have already talked about his sad fate. Khorezmshah died on the tiny island of Abeskun in the Caspian Sea, where lepers were exiled for centuries.

According to legend, he became so impoverished that his last servant did not even have a piece of cloth to cover the body of the fallen ruler. The state of Khorezmshahs ceased to exist, but not for Jalal ad-Din.

Drowned harem

Battle of the Indus

In less than 21 years, Jalal ad-Din Menguberdi became Khorezmshah. But his patrimony now belonged to the Mongols. The young ruler was not afraid. He declared himself the ruler of Samrkand, wrote a letter to Genghis Khan, in which he boldly demanded the return of everything that had been taken from him, gathered a detachment of three hundred people and went to Khorasan, a region in the northeastern part of Iran. Here Jalal ad-Din won his first victory over the Mongols. He attacked a detachment of 700 horsemen, defeated them and killed all but two people.

These "lucky ones" were mutilated and sent to Genghis Khan as a living confirmation of the very serious intentions of the young Khorezmshah. Khorasan became the new base of Jalal ad-Din. From here he sent out messengers to anyone who was dissatisfied with the Mongols. Quite quickly, new and new warriors began to flock under his banners. Among others, one of the best commanders of his father, Timur-Malik, joined him.

In a few months, the young Shah gathered a 70,000-strong army and moved with him straight to Samarkand. His army would have been even larger had it not been for the failure of his two younger brothers. They went to connect with Jalal ad-Din, but instead they encountered the punitive Mongol detachment of Shigi Kutuku. He quite easily defeated them, both brothers of Khorezmshah died.

From a fighter for the liberation of Khorezm, Jelal quickly turned into a tyrant

For this murder, Kutuk had to pay dearly. The two armies clashed at the Battle of Parvan, in which the Mongol commander was defeated. Jalal ad-Din skillfully used the landscape for his own purposes. He placed archers on the rocks to shoot at the enemy from a height. The shock cavalry of Kutuk suffered huge losses and could not break through the formation of the infantry of the Khorezm army.

When he retreated, Jalal ad-Din went on the offensive and completely destroyed the Shigi army of 30,000. It was the biggest defeat of the Mongols for the entire time of the conquests of Genghis Khan. And this fiasco made a very serious impression on the ruler of the new Empire himself. Genghis Khan did not leave Samrkand, contrary to his own plans, but, taking command of the army, led it to meet with Jalal ad-Din. He, however, avoided the battle for a long time. He maneuvered, left and strayed, preferring to act in small raids. And yet, Genghis Khan managed to drive the obstinate enemy to a standstill. The army of Jalal ad-Din was pressed against the Indus, there was nowhere to retreat.

The battle, which took place on December 9, 1221, was lost by Khorezmshah. He formed the troops in a crescent, hoping to lure the Mongols into a trap and strike from the flanks. It wasn't there. Genghis Khan struck first on the flanks, and then in the center. The battle lasted almost the whole day, by sunset it became clear that the young Shah could not win this battle. And then Jalal ad-Din ordered to drown his entire harem and children in the river so that the enemy would not get them! “If they are taken prisoner, then woe to them,” he said.

The motives of the man who killed Jalal ad-Din remain a mystery

He himself, with the remnants of the army, also jumped into the water. Ironically, Khorezmshah escaped, but only his beloved wife and her young son survived from the entire harem. And although the story about the salvation of his beloved wife and son Muhammad is more like a legend, it is important to note the following: the leader himself sailed to the other side of the Indus, but his relatives, nevertheless, were captured. An unenviable fate awaited them. The little Mohammed woman was immediately put to the knife. And the defeated enemy, threatening the Mongol with a sword from the other side, went further to the southeast.

Temporary homeland

Sultan Key-Kubad

Jalal ad-Din failed, but did not give up. He did not become weaker, but became a much more cruel and pragmatic person. He no longer knew pity, and not only to the Mongols. First of all, Jalal ad-Din gathered around him the remnants of his defeated army. He gathered four thousand warriors, with whom he went deep into India. He didn't seem to have a plan. But they were available to local leaders, who attacked the fugitive twice. Jalal ad-Din won two victories, took Delhi and proclaimed it his new capital. In the 20th century, we would say that it was the State of Khorezmshahs in exile. The program was at least completed. Jalal ad-Din found himself a new state, which he could rule at his pleasure.

Fortunately, the neighboring princes could not compete with him. Khorezmshah quickly expanded his possessions and even began to raid the territory of Iran, going behind the lines of the Mongols. Jalal ad-Din could not forgive Genghis Khan for the death of his loved ones. For three years, he was saving up his strength for revenge and, apparently, did not even consider the possibility of staying in Delhi. In 1225, he left India forever, setting out on his last campaign. His army invaded Transcaucasia, inflicted several defeats on the combined Georgian-Armenian army and occupied several fortresses. The apogee of the invasion was the battle of Garni, in which Jalal ad-Din defeated the 30,000-strong Georgian-Armenian army.

Through cunning, he managed to lure them out of their vantage points on a hill. Following was the most severe ruin of Tbilisi and several more successful battles. Jalal ad-Din hoped to lure the Mongols out onto himself, forcing them to fight him in the mountains. But they reacted to him only once, sending a very small detachment to the city of Rhea.

Jalal ad-Din could be pleased with local successes, but the campaign itself was not going well. Khorezmshah has changed a lot, having lost the ability to find allies. On the contrary, he multiplied his enemies. His people rampaged in the occupied territories, killing not only the captured Mongols, but also the local civilian population.

From a reasonable politician, Jalal ad-Din turned into a revenge-obsessed exterminator of all life. It is known that during the capture of Tbilisi, his people destroyed all the churches in the city. In the occupied territories, he introduced more and more taxes, which were levied by robbery. The detachment of Khorezmshah came to the settlement, announced to the local residents the amount that they should give out, after which they carried out a forcible confiscation.

With each passing day, Jalal ad-Din went further and further from his goal. In 1227, Genghis Khan died, and Khorezmshah never met him again on the battlefield. In 1228, the Mongols formed a coalition. Together with the Mongols, the Rum Sultanate, Cilician Armenia and even Egypt, which then had vast possessions in Asia, which at any moment could be under attack, also opposed the cruel conqueror. The final chord was the uprising in the areas controlled by Jalal ad-Din.

Of course, he crushed the uprising and, of course, did it with particular cruelty. However, this was his last victory. Soon he was defeated by the Armenians and twice by the Sultan of Rum, Kay-Kubad. With the remnants of the army, Jalal ad-Din tried to break through to India, but was met by the Mongols and defeated again.

And crash again

Uzbek coin depicting Jalal ad-Din

Everything that happened next was excruciating agony. Jalal ad-Din was on the run for more than a year. He rushed around Iran, Syria and Turkey, trying to find allies. It seems that he even sent messengers to the crusaders, who still somehow held several cities in the Middle East. No one, for some reason, did not want to support him. Meanwhile, the remnants of his army scattered, so, in due time, people fled from his father.

The goal for which Khorezmshah fought and for which he raised an uprising had long been forgotten by him. Not to mention the fact that the return of the former possessions has now become a completely impossible task. The Mongols, in the end, got on the trail of the fugitive and sent the chase. Jelal ad-Din took refuge in the mountains in eastern Turkey and lived the last days of his life in a cave. It was here that he died. The Shah was killed by a certain Kurd, whose name history has not preserved. The motive for the murder also remains unknown. Either the Kurd acted on the orders of the Mongol, or he avenged the death of his relatives, or he simply wanted to rob Jalal ad-Din, not knowing who he was.

Jalal ad-Din lost his war, although in Central Asia he later became a mythological hero-liberator. He really gave Genghis Khan more trouble than anyone else. The young Khorezmshah ruined the plans of the great khan and made him sweat a lot, inflicting the most tangible defeat on the Mongol army in the glorious period of its history.

However, Jalal ad-Din lost the only face-to-face battle. The battle on the banks of the Indus was his only chance to restore his power in Khorezm. And in that battle, the young and daring commander had almost no chance against the old and experienced.

BIOLOGY OF SULTAN JALAL AD-DIN MANKBURNA

SIRAT AS-SULTAN JALAL AD-DIN MANKBURNY

The story about the departure of Terken-Khatun from Khorezm in the last days of the six hundred and sixteenth year ( Early March 1220)

Ambassador of Genghis Khan - aforementioned hajib[Danishmand] arrived in Khorezm simultaneously with the news of the flight of the Sultan from the banks of Jeyhun. Terken-Khatun was so alarmed by this news that she did not deceive herself by downplaying the danger. She did not consider Khorezm a reliable refuge and took with her everyone who could be taken from the sultan's wives, his younger children, as well as the treasures of his treasury, and set out from Khorezm, saying goodbye to him. At this farewell, tears flowed from the eyes, and the hearts melted.

Before her departure, she did something contrary to justice that time marked with an unkind word and branded with eternal shame on the face of the century. Namely: thinking that the fire of this turmoil would soon go out, and the untied knot would be tied again and the morning would soon come after the dark night, she ordered to kill all the captive rulers who were in Khorezm, their sons and people of high degrees from among the prominent sadrov and noble gentlemen. In total there were twelve people under her protection. Among them were, for example, two sons of Sultan Togrul as-Saljuki, the ruler of Balkh "Imad ad-Din, his son - the ruler of Termez al-Malik Bahram Shah, the ruler of Bamyan "Ala" ad-Din, the ruler of Vakhsh Jamal ad-Din " Umar, two sons of the ruler of Sugnak, in the Land of the Turks, and [still] Burhan ad-Din Muhammad Sadr Jahan, his brother Iftikhar Jahan, his two sons, Malik al-Islam and "Aziz al-Islam, and others. / 48 / She did not know that it would be better to put a patch on this tear and mend this gap by turning to Allah Almighty with repentance, and that turning to justice is laudable both at the beginning and at the end.

And so she set out from Khorezm, accompanied by those who could leave. For most of the people, it proved difficult to accompany her, since their souls did not allow them to give up what they had collected from property and accumulated from what was permitted and forbidden.

She took with her "Umar Khan, the son of the ruler of Yazyr. She postponed [his execution], knowing that he knew the unbeaten roads to his country. The one mentioned ("Umar Khan) wore lakab Sabur-khan ("long-suffering"). The reason for his nickname Sabur Khan was that his brother Hindu Khan, when he seized power, ordered his eyes to be gouged out. But the one who carried out this order took pity on him and did not touch his eyes, preserving his sight. The mentioned one pretended to be blind for eleven years until Hindu Khan died and until Terken Khatun took possession of the Yazyr region, referring to the fact that Hindu Khan was married to a woman from her tribe, her relative. Then "Umar Khan opened his eyes and went to the Sultan's court, hoping for the approval of his possession. However, he did not achieve what he hoped for, but received only the nickname Sabur Khan.

So, the mentioned one ("Umar Khan), while in her service, left Khorezm. She had no one else with her whom she could rely on to avert misfortune, eliminate disaster and protect herself from severe misfortune. All this time he faithfully served her. When she approached the borders of Yazyr, she began to fear that the said one would leave her, and ordered to cut off his head. He was killed defenseless, ruined by treachery. And she went on with the wives [of the Sultan] who were with her and treasures and went up to the fortress of Ilal, one of the most impregnable fortresses of Mazandaran.She remained here until the Tatars finally expelled the sultan and [until] he took refuge on the island, where he died.We are about this, if Allah wills, we will tell further.

The fortress of Ilal was under siege for four months. The Tatars erected walls around it / 49 / And they made gates in them, which were locked at night and opened during the day. Such was their custom when besieging impregnable fortresses. [This continues] until the position of the fortress becomes hopeless.

It is especially surprising that this fortress - one of the fortresses of Mazandaran, which is distinguished by constant showers and an abundance of moisture, where the sky rarely clears up and it rains almost continuously - was subdued by thirst. And so Allah Almighty determined that during the siege the sky remained clear. This forced her (Terken-Khatun) to ask for mercy, and she was promised it. She left [the fortress], and with her the displaced wazir Muhammad ibn Salih. They say that at the moment when she left the fortress, a stream of water rushed through her gates and on that day all the reservoirs were overflowing. This is the secret of Allah Almighty, who is united in power to destroy some buildings and erect others. “Verily, in this is a reminder for those who have reason!” (Quran XXXIX, 22 (21)).

Terken Khatun was taken prisoner, and she was taken to Genghis Khan. Rumors about her from time to time reached Jalal ad-Din during his [reign], but I do not know how fate dealt with her after that. The eunuch Badr ad-Din Hilal, one of her servants, told me that when the hope of her release was lost, he himself managed to escape to Jalal ad-Din, who surrounded him with care. He was lucky and got a high position. He said: “I told her: “Let's run away to Jalal ad-Din, the son of your son and the treasure of your heart. Indeed, news of his strength, power and vastness of his dominion often reach us. She said: “Away, he is gone! How can I sink to become dependent on the mercy of the son of Ai-Chichek - that was the name of Jalal ad-Din's mother - and [be] under his protection, and this after my children Uzlag Shah and Ak Shah? Even the captivity of Genghis Khan and my current humiliation and disgrace are better for me than this!”

/50 / She had a strong hatred for Jalal ad-Din. The mentioned eunuch told me: “Her condition in captivity became so disastrous that she repeatedly appeared at the dinner table of Genghis Khan and brought something from there, and this food was enough for her for several days.” And before that, [any] her order was carried out in most areas! And praise be to the One who changes circumstances - one by one.

As for the younger children of the Sultan, they were all killed when they left the Ilal fortress, with the exception of the youngest of them in age - Kumakhi Shah. She (Terken-khatun) became attached to him, spending days of misfortune and grief and hours of suffering and sorrow with him. One day she combed his hair and said at the same time: “Today my heart contracts like never before.” Suddenly, one of the sarhangs Genghis Khan to take the boy. He was separated from her, and she never saw him again. When the boy was brought to him (Genghis Khan), he ordered to strangle him, and he was strangled. So she in this world received her due for what she did, destroying and exterminating the children of sovereigns.

As for the daughters of the Sultan, each of them was taken as a wife by one of the traitors. The exception was Khan-Sultan, the one who was married to the Sultan of Sultans, the ruler of Samarkand "Usman. Genghis Khan's son Dushi Khan left her for himself. And he married Terken-Sultan, the sister of Uzlag Shah hajib Danishmand, who, as an ambassador of Genghis Khan, came to Terken Khatun.

As for the position of the dismissed vizier Nizam al-Mulk, he remained among them in honor and mercy, since they knew that the opinion of the sultan about him had changed and the vizier had been removed from his post. Sometimes Genghis Khan ordered him to check the payments of some areas, which was no small honor for him. So it was until Dushi Khan captured Khorezm and took out his anger on its population.

/51 / The Sultan's singers were brought to Genghis Khan, and among them the beautiful and attractive Bint Zankija. She was begged from Genghis Khan by a Samarkand eye doctor ( kahkhal) Zayn. The one mentioned once cured the accursed (Genghis Khan) of ophthalmia, and he gave it to him. Kahhal was a man of utterly disgusting appearance and bad manners. Therefore, she hated him, and she had the right not to exchange the Sultan of Islam for such a person, even brought down from the tops of the two stars of Ursa Minor ( al-Farqadain) to the ground. She stayed for two or three days with the Wazir, who constantly drank kahkhala several times they came, demanding to bring her, but she refused. Then kahkhal went to Genghis Khan, scolding, and reported that the wazir said: “I have more rights to her than anyone else!” Genghis Khan became angry and ordered to bring the wazir. He appeared before Genghis Khan, who began to list his betrayals of his master and patron and the harm he had done to the Sultan's state. And he broke his promise of protection to the wazir and allowed his forbidden blood to be shed on the ground.

Something about the position of Terken-Khatun and its history

The one mentioned was from the tribe of Bayawut, and this is one of the branches [of the tribe] Yemek. When her position became high, she received Laqab Khudavand-i Jahan, which means "ruler of the world". She was the daughter of Jankishi, one of the Turkic sovereigns. Tekish, the son of Il-Arslan, took her as his wife in the same way that sovereigns marry the daughters of sovereigns. When power passed to Sultan Muhammad by inheritance from his father Tekish, the Yemek tribes and neighboring Turks joined him. Thanks to them, the forces of the Sultan multiplied, and he took advantage of their strength. For this reason, Terken-khatun was in charge in the state, and as soon as the sultan took possession of any country, he allocated an important area for her personally.

She was majestic and intelligent. When complaints came to her, she dealt with them impartially / 52 / and rightly and was on the side of the oppressed against the offender, however, she easily dared to kill. She did a lot of good and useful things for the country, and if we listed everything that we saw from her great deeds, our speech would drag on. by her secretaries kuttab al-insha") were seven people from among the famous, worthy people and great gentlemen. If two different decrees were received from her and from the Sultan on the same matter, then attention was paid only to the date and in all countries the last of them acted. Tughra" her decrees was as follows: "The virtue of the world and faith Ulug-Terken, the queen of women of both worlds." Her motto is: "I seek protection only from Allah." She wrote it in thick kalam, in excellent handwriting, so that her sign (motto) was difficult to fake.

The story of the departure of the Sultan from Kelif after the conquest of Bukhara by Genghis Khan

When the sultan learned about the capture of Otrar by Genghis Khan and the destruction of Inal Khan and the troops that were with him, he stopped at the borders of Kelif and Andkhud, waiting for the approach of the gatherings that came out from different directions, and doing nothing in anticipation of unforeseen events that brought him the hardships of the nights .

After the capture of Otrar, Genghis Khan went to Bukhara - the closest city to the centers of the Sultan's banners - and laid siege to it. By this, he sought to drive a wedge between the sultan and his troops, divided so that they could no longer be gathered, even if the sultan realized [the fallacy] of his actions. And so Genghis Khan stopped at the walls of Bukhara, surrounded her, multiplying his forces at the expense of / 53 / infantry and horsemen driven here from Otrar. The battle for Bukhara continued day and night until he took possession of it thanks to his power and strength.

When amir ahur Kushlu and the sultan's associates who were with him saw that Bukhara would soon be taken, they, having discussed the matter among themselves, decided to replace the shame of defeat with the remainder of determination. They agreed that they would all come forward as one and launch an attack to get rid of the noose and save themselves from the weight of the oppression. So they did and went out, and if He (Allah) had willed, they would have succeeded.

When the Tartars saw that things were bad, the situation was serious, that the blade was sharpened, and the evil was great, they turned back before their vanguard and opened the way for them to escape. If the Muslims accompanied one attack with another, throwing them back as if with a kick in the back and engaging in battle, they would put the Tatars to flight. But since fate turned away from them, they were content only with their salvation. When the Tatars saw that their goal was [only] deliverance, they rushed after them, began to block their escape routes and pursued them to the banks of Jeyhun. Of these, only Inanj Khan escaped with a small detachment. Death befell most of this army. And of the things, weapons, slaves and equipment, the Tatars captured so much that they themselves became rich, and their packs were heavy.

When the news of this sad event reached the Sultan, it caused him anxiety and sadness, his heart was completely weakened and his hands dropped. He crossed Jeyhun in a miserable state, having lost hope of protecting the regions of Maverannahr. When his situation became disastrous and he lost the bravest warriors, seven thousand people left him "hita" and from [the troops] of his nephews - the sons of his maternal uncles - and fled to the Tatars. The ruler of Kunduz "Ala" ad-Din arrived to help Genghis -Khan, declaring his enmity with the Sultan. Emir Mah Rui, one of the noble people of Balkh, also went to him. People began to leave him and leave unnoticed, and since then the power has weakened, it has come / 54 / hangover, bonds were broken and determination and power were undermined. Every rope breaks, and every business can stop. In the same way, “Allah grants power to whom He wills, and takes away power from whom He wills” (Quran III, 25 (26)). And He is "the doer of what He wills" ( Qur'an XI, 109 (107); cf. LXXXV, 16(16)).

When the news reached Genghis Khan from the nobles mentioned above - they told him what fear the Sultan had experienced, and informed him how he had lost heart - he equipped two leaders for the campaign: Dzhebe-noyan and Syubet-Bahadur with thirty thousands [warriors]. They crossed the river, heading for Khorasan, and roamed the country. The threat was carried out, and such was the bloodshed, plunder, and destruction that the artisans fled in fear, and the farmers wandered about naked. The open and the closed were pulled out, the open and the hidden were squeezed out, and there was no bleating or roaring, only owls screaming and echoing.

[People] have witnessed such disasters, which were not heard of in ancient times, in the days of the disappeared states. Has it been heard that [some] horde came out of the places of sunrise, passed through the land up to Bab al-Abwab, and from there moved to the Country of the Kypchaks, made a furious raid on its tribes and wielded swords at random? As soon as she set foot on any land, she ruined it, and having captured a city, she destroyed it. Then, after such a circular campaign, she returned to her master through Khorezm unharmed and with booty, destroying the arable land of the country and the offspring of livestock and putting its population under the edge of swords. And all this in less than two years!

Truly, “the earth belongs to Allah: He gives it as an inheritance to whom He wishes from His servants, and the end is for the God-fearing” (Quran VII, 125 (128)).

The story of what disasters and anxieties the Sultan experienced before his death on the island of the Kulzum Sea

/55 / When the Sultan crossed Jeyhun, "Imad ad-Din Muhammad ibn ash-Shadid as-Sawi, the wazir of his son Rukn ad-Din, ruler of Iraq, arrived at his service. His son Rukn ad-Din sent him (the wazir) to the Sultan's court but secretly he wanted to find peace, being freed from the wazir: even before that, he complained to the Sultan about his arrogance and arbitrariness and that he only follows his whim and his desire in business.

Arriving at the Sultan's court and learning about what was done against him, he began to weave a network of cunning in order to escape from this difficult situation. And this was a man whose speeches were listened to and whose advice was followed. And so he began to whisper to the Sultan that if [he] went to Iraq, forgetting Khorasan and its inhabitants and neglecting the place of his birth and the waters that irrigate his acquired and inherited [possession], then such riches would flow to him and he [gather] so much people who can bridge the gap and heal their wounds.

These were false fables and deceptive stories, “like a mirage in the desert. The thirsty one considers it water, and when he approaches it, he sees that it is nothing” (Quran XXIV, 39 (39)). And the Sultan gave the best and acquired the dubious, left so many regions and people that, in comparison with this, Iraq is similar to the concept of a particle ( ash-shay") among the Mu "tazilites, even more insignificant, or the monad of those who recognize its existence, even less than it. The Sultan from the banks of the Jeyhun went to Nishapur and remained in Nishapur only an hour during the day because of the fear that took possession of his heart, the fear that settled in in the depths of his soul, because of the fear that led him into the channel of doubt and did not give him [the opportunity to] fold his wings to rest.

Emir Taj ad-Din "Umar al-Bistami, who was one of wakildars, said: “During this transition to Iraq, the Sultan arrived in Bistam. He called me to him and ordered [someone] to bring / 56 / ten chests. And then he asked: “Do you know what is in them?” I said: "The Sultan is more versed in this." He said, “These are all precious stones that have no price. The cost of only these two is known.” He pointed to two of them. “There are so many jewels in them that their value is equal to the kharaj of the whole earth.” He told me to take them to the fortress of Ardahn. This is one of the most impregnable fortresses on earth, the eagles did not even reach its height, and its inhabitants saw birds only from above. I took the chests there and at the local wali took a receipt that delivered them sealed. Subsequently, when the Tatars dispersed to many countries and found themselves safe from the Sultan, they besieged the said fortress, until wali did not conclude a truce with them on the condition of handing over to them the chests that they received sealed. They were sent to Genghis Khan."

So, having arrived in Iraq, the Sultan stopped in the valley of Daulatabad, and this is one of the districts of Hamadan. He remained here only a few days, having with him from those who were cast out by the country - rather from the miserable remnants of those who retreated - about twenty thousand horsemen. But what terrified him so much was nothing more than a war cry and the enemy cavalry, which surrounded him like a circle. He himself eluded her, but death befell most of his entourage. "Imad al-Mulk was among those who were killed that day. The Sultan, with a small number of his companions and retinue, fled to Jil, and then from there to Isfizar, and this is the most impregnable region of Mazandaran because of its narrow gorges and Further from here he moved to the coast of the sea and here he stopped near the harbor, in one of her villages... He visited the mosque, where he performed five prayers with the imam of the village, he read the Koran to him, and he wept, made vows and assured Allah Almighty, what will establish justice if He predetermines his salvation and strengthens the foundations of his state, until they suddenly attack / 57 / on it (village) Tatars. With them was Rukn al-Din Kabud-Jama. The Sultan once killed his paternal uncle Nusrat ad-Din and his son "Izz ad-Din Kai-Khusrau and took possession of their country. And now Rukn ad-Din seized the opportunity, joined the Tatars and captured the area that belonged to his uncle, and there was no one here who could compete with him.

When the Tatars, unexpectedly for the Sultan, attacked this village, he boarded the ship. Arrows from their side immediately rained down on the ship, and a group of their people after him rushed into the water, trying to capture the Sultan. But haste led them to death, and the water brought [hellish] fire.

Some of those who were on the ship with the Sultan told me: “When we were sailing the ship, the Sultan fell ill with pleurisy and lost hope of staying alive. In obvious despair and sadness, he said: “Of all the areas of the earth that we owned, we did not even have two cubits left to dig a grave. But this world is not a house for the living; to rely on its strength is to indulge in self-deception and seduction. This is just a abode for wanderers, through one gate of which they enter, and through the other they leave. “Be edified, you who have sight!” (Quran LIX, 2(2))."

They told me: “Having arrived on the island, he was very glad about this and remained here a lonely exile, not owning either inherited or newly acquired. And his illness got worse. Among the inhabitants of Mazandaran there were people who brought him food and what he wanted.

He once said, "Sometimes I wish I had a horse to graze around this tent of mine." - A small tent was pitched for him. - When I heard about it malik Taj ad-Din [al-] Hasan - and he was one of sarhangs Sultan and rose to the rank Malika under Jalal ad-Din, who paid tribute to him with favors and generosity for his service to the Sultan these days and gave him possession of Astrabad / 58 / with its districts and fortresses, - he presented the Sultan with a buckskin horse.

And in the old days, the senior equestrian of the Sultan, Emir Ikhtiyar ad-Din - he collected thirty thousand horses - used to say: “And if I want, I will bring their number to sixty thousand and not spend a single dinar or dirhem. It is enough for me to call for this from each herd ( dushar) of the Sultan's horses available in the country, one shepherd each, and the number of horses will increase by thirty thousand more. Let the thoughtful judge how different these two positions are, and learn the lessons! Yes!

If anyone these days brought a little food or anything else, he wrote for him a decree on a high position or on significant possessions. iqta". Often such a person himself undertook to write a letter, since the Sultan did not have those who would write “island decrees”. All these were rather messages addressed to Jalal ad-Din. And when he appeared [in the country] and the letters were presented to him, he fully approved them. And if someone had a knife or a towel, or [another] sign of the Sultan, denoting iqta" or position, then Jalal ad-Din kissed this thing, accepted and signed an order about it.

When death overtook the sultan here on the island and his days to complete his duty [to Allah] expired, he was washed by close servants - chavush Shams ad-Din Mahmud ibn Yalag and the senior bed-keeper Mukarrab ad-Din, who had the title of chief equerry. The Sultan did not even have a shroud in which he could be wrapped. Then the mentioned Shams ad-Din wrapped him in a shroud from his shirt. He was buried on the island, and it was in the six hundred and seventeenth year (8.III 1220 - 24.II 1221).

He humiliated the lords, hunted the lords

and every powerful one he turned into a submissive one.
/59 / Obedient lords crowded around him -
they were brought to him one by one.
And when his cause was strengthened,
the earth became small for him,
And greatness inspired him that fate,
if he wants to destroy it, he will retreat in impotence.
Then an angry death came to him,
turning a shining sword against him,
And the people who defended him could not help him,
and no leader showed him a way out.
Such is the fate of those who gloat, -
century destroys them generation after generation!

The story about the arrival of Shihab ad-Din al-Khivaki from Khorezm to Nasa, about the siege of Nasa by the Tatars, the murder of Shihab ad-Din and the extermination of the population [of Nasa]

Shihab ad-Din Abu Sa "d ibn" Imran was an outstanding, worthy faqih, mufti ash-Shafi "and may Allah be pleased with him!

To fiqh, he added [knowledge] of lexicology, medicine, dialectics and other sciences of eloquence, linguistics and [the science] of good governance. Jupiter was the acquirer of his success, Mercury was the listener of his teachings. The shrewd one was insignificant next to his sharpness, the most witty was the servant of his thought. Under the Sultan, he reached such a degree, after which there is no room for a greater desire, for it is impossible to rise above the sky. He (the sultan) consulted him on serious matters and listened to his opinion in the most important matters. And more than once it was possible to see how the lords and vazirs of the earth, people of high degrees from among the emirs, stood in rows at his door, and at that time he, as usual, taught the imams. He led / 60 / teaching in five madrasas of Khorezm and did not interrupt classes here until he left, and then khajibs[sultan] could talk with him about [various] matters. Sometimes the petitioner waited at the door for a year or more, leaving and returning again, and could not get a decision on his case because the cases were numerous, the state was vast, and the crowd of petitioners was large. The Sultan needed a seal to put his sign, namely: "I trust in Allah alone." His eldest daughter, Khan-Sultan, replaced him, sealing the decrees, because there were so many decrees that putting up a sign took most of the Sultan's time, and this distracted him from other important matters. Therefore, in recent years, he himself put a sign only on decrees containing particularly important orders.

The high degree of Shihab ad-Din Abu Sa "yes is also evidenced by the fact that in those cases when the message was sent to the name of one of the rulers, whoever he was, his name was mentioned at the end of the decree after the name of the wazir. As for Shihab ad-Din, then as a sign of his greatness and respect for his degree, his name was not mentioned, so that it would not stand after [the name] of the wazir, but it was written like this: “By the highest command, may Allah exalt the ruler, and by the supreme decree, may it is eternally great!” Next came the ones we mentioned lakaba wazir, and then wrote in accordance with the message received for correspondence [blank].

He (Shihab ad-Din) built a library at the Shafi mosque in Khorezm, the like of which was never seen before or since. When he decided to set out from Khorezm, having lost hope of returning there, he did not want to leave the books and took with him the most expensive of them. After his murder in Nas, they fell into the hands of the common people and the mob. I began to look for them, collected them and acquired the most valuable of them. I owned them until I found myself, drawn by the hands of a foreign land, now in the eastern, then in the western part of the earth. I left them in the fortress along with what I had from the inherited / 61 / and acquired. Subsequently, of all the abandoned, I regretted only books.

When the mentioned (Shihab ad-Din) arrived in Nasa with a large number of people from among the inhabitants of Khorezm, he stopped here and began to wait for the renewal of messages from the Sultan in order to come to his service. And then came the news of his arrival in Nishapur and his hasty departure from there. Shihab ad-Din was confused and did not know what to do, his determination disappeared, and confusion appeared in his thoughts. So it was until one of the emirs of Nasa, Baha "ad-Din Muhammad ibn Abu Sahl, arrived and reported that when the Sultan fled in fear, he instructed him to go to Nasa and warn the people, saying to them:" Verily, the enemy is not like other armies.The best course of action is to purify the country and withdraw for a time into the deserts and into the mountains, until they gather in their attacks what their eyes and hands will be satisfied with and return, And the people will be saved. from their sudden raids. Then, if the inhabitants of Nasa can restore their fortress - it was destroyed before by the Sultan - then we allow them to rebuild it again and strengthen themselves in it.

Sultan Tekish [at one time] tried several times to take possession of [Nasa], but could not overcome her. Having lost hope of capturing it on his own, he made peace with its ruler "Imad ad-Din Muhammad ibn" Umar ibn Hamza, put a noose of submission around his neck and forced him to participate in the conquest of the rest of the cities of Khorasan, close and distant from Nasa. He did not leave a single unconquered city in Khorasan.

A year or a little earlier after the death of Tekish, "Imad ad-Din" died, and six months after his death, his eldest son and heir, Nasir ad-Din Sa'id, died. It was said that he sent someone to his father who / 62 / gave him deadly poison to drink. But after him, he did not enjoy power for long.

Then the sultan went to Nasa and took the young children of Imad ad-Din and his treasury to Khorezm. His children remained imprisoned here until the Tatars arrived, then they were released, which we will talk about later.

When the Sultan took Nasa from them, he ordered to destroy its fortress, and it was destroyed to the very foundations. Plows and harrows passed over this place so that all the soil was loosened, and barley was sown here as a sign of revenge. And it was one of the most amazing fortresses built on the hills. It was distinguished by the fact that it was very large and accommodated many people. There was no such city dweller, rich or poor, who would not have his yard or house here. In the middle of it was another fortress for the rulers, higher than that one, and water flowed from here to that fortress below it. In the lower fortress, water appeared only at a depth of seventy cubits. The reason for this, as they said, was that the upper fortress was on the mountain and there was a spring, and the one below was built on earth brought to the foot of the mountain.

When, in the time of Gishtasp, king of the Persians, Nasa became a frontier blocking the way, and a frontier separating the Turks from the Persians, the inhabitants of this region were compelled to collect this land at the foot of the mountain; so the fortress became big.

So, when they heard what Baha "ad-Din Muhammad ibn Abu Sahl transmitted on behalf of the Sultan, they preferred the restoration of the fortress to leave the city. And the wazir Zahir ad-Din Mas" ud ibn al-Munawwar ash-Shashi proceeded to her construction, resorting to forced labor ( suhra). He changed it [appearance] and finally built a wall around it, [as high] as a garden fence, and people entrenched themselves in it. Shihab ad-Din Abu Sa "d ibn" Imran al-Khivaki and a certain number of the inhabitants of Khorezm remained with them. Having learned about the stay of the mentioned (Shihab ad-Din), Emir Taj ad-Din Muhammad ibn Sa "id, his uncle - by mother - emir" Izz ad-Din / 63 / Kai-Khusrau and several emirs of Khorasan wished to join him and stay with him in the days of disaster so that it would benefit them, as a merit before the Sultan, and protect them from the intrigues of random people.

And it so happened that Genghis Khan sent his son-in-law Togachar-noyan and an emir from among his leaders named Berke-noyan with ten thousand horsemen [for a campaign] to Khorasan, so that they plundered, burned the country, sucked out the marrow of her bones and her blood. lived and cleansed it of miserable remnants and the last sparks of life. A separate detachment of them, led by the emir, known by the name of Bel-Kush, reached Nasa. Its inhabitants threw arrows towards them. One arrow hit Bel-Kush in the chest and he fell dead. For this, they took revenge on the inhabitants of Nasa and laid siege to it before other cities of Khorasan. They approached her with a horde advancing like a black night, and besieged her fortress for fifteen days, without ceasing to fight day or night. Against her, twenty catapults were set up, which were dragged by people gathered from the regions of Khorasan. The Tatars drove the captives under cover - houses like rams, made of wood and covered with skins. If the prisoners returned without providing cover to the wall, their heads were cut off. Therefore, they were persistent and finally made a hole that could not be repaired. After that, all the Tatars put on their armor and rushed to storm [the fortress] at night, took possession of the wall and dispersed along it, and the inhabitants hid in their houses. And when the day came, the Tatars came down to them from the wall and drove them to an open place behind the gardens, called "Adraban, like a flock of sheep, / 64 / which the shepherds round up.

The Tatars did not stretch their hands to booty and robbery until they had gathered them with children and women in this vast area. Screams tore the veils of heaven, and screams filled the air. Then they ordered the people to bind each other tightly, and they obediently did so. Meanwhile, if they had not done this, but had fled, striving for salvation, and fled [even] without a fight - after all, the mountains are close, then most of them would have been saved. And so, when they were tied, the Tatars approached them with bows, threw them on the ground and fed them to earthly worms and birds of the air. And how much blood was shed, torn veils, children killed and abandoned at the breast of their dead mothers! The number of those who were killed from among the inhabitants of Nasa and those who were here from strangers and subjects of her district was seventy thousand. But it was only one of the districts of Khorasan!

Shihab ad-Din al-Khivaki and his son, worthy of Sayyid Taj ad-Din, were brought bound to Togachar-noyan and Berke-noyan. Treasure chests of Shihab al-Din were also delivered, which were emptied in front of him, so that the gold was between him and the Tatar leaders. Both of them were killed as martyrs, and he (Shihab ad-Din) is now buried in Nas in mazar, called Mil Jafta.

A brief description of what happened in Khorasan after the flight of the Sultan - no need for details, for the circumstances are similar to each other: everywhere only death, everywhere destruction

When the Sultan, fleeing, went to Iraq, leaving behind the regions of Khorasan and neglecting them, they set off in pursuit of him / 65 / Jebe-noyan and Subet-Bahadur. And the accursed Togachar and Berke crossed the river [Jeyhun] to Khorasan, and what we have already told about happened in Nas. They (Tatars) dispersed throughout the regions of Khorasan, forming separate detachments, and spread [the fire] of arson. And whenever one of these detachments, in the amount of a thousand horsemen, attacked any locality, he gathered people from the surrounding villages and moved with them to the city, where they set up catapults with their forces and punched holes in the walls, until they captured the city. And then there was no one left in it who could make a fire or live in the house. And fear seized the souls, and the prisoner had a calmer soul than the one who sat at home, waiting for the outcome of events.

At that time I was in my fortress, known as Khurandiz, one of the best fortresses of Khorasan. I do not know which of my ancestors first owned it, since the stories about it contradict each other depending on the inclinations [of the narrators], and it is up to me to tell only the truth. It is believed that it has been in the hands of my ancestors since Islam arose and dawned in Khorasan. And Allah knows best!

And so, in those days, when the world raged in turmoil, the fortress became a place where the captives fled, and a refuge for those seized with fear, since it was the center of the region, the middle of the cultivated area. [People] who had a retinue and the most famous possessors of wealth fled here, barefoot and naked, and I covered their nakedness as far as possible and helped them in what befell them, and then accompanied them to those of their relatives whom they passed swords. And the Tatars continued to act in this way until they captured Khorasan to its very outskirts.

Someone named Khabash, who came from Kasij, came over to them, and this is one of the estates of Ustuva Khabushan. He was sarhang, but they, mocking, for the sake of laughter, titled him malik, put him at the head of the apostates and entrusted him with the installation of catapults / 66 / and management of foot soldiers. People suffered terrible calamities from him, unbearable humiliation and torment sent down by heaven. He embarked on a bad path and began to write ra "isam estates, and the villages of Khorasan had walls, ditches and mosques, and ra "Isa they were powerful. And so he ordered one of them to come himself along with his subjects and bring spades and hoes, as well as as many bows and siege weapons as they could. And if ra "is agreed to this, then he (Khabash) besieged by their forces some city, captured it and poured out cruel torments on the inhabitants. If any of ra "isov ignored this order and evaded, then Khabash went to him, besieged him, led him and those who were with him out of the fortification, putting them to the sword and sending them along the path of death.

The Tatars postponed the siege of Nishapur and preferred to ravage other districts that were considered subordinate to him until they had finished destroying them all: there were more than twenty cities here. Then, with all their strength, they went to Nishapur to punish its inhabitants with a great misfortune. Those of their tribes that were scattered in different parts of Khorasan also gathered to the city. When the Tatars approached him, his inhabitants came out, starting a battle, and an arrow hit the chest of the accursed Togachar, taking possession of the place of his soul and delivering people from his evil: he went to "the fire of Allah, ignited, which rises above the hearts" (Quran CIV. 6 -7 (6-7) ).

Convinced of the superiority of the common people, the Tatars realized that Nishapur could be taken only with the help of reinforcements. Then they postponed the siege and wrote to Genghis Khan, asking for reinforcements and help. He sent to them Kutuku-noyan, Ked-Buk-noyan, Tolan-Cherbi and some other emirs with fifty thousand horsemen. They approached Nishapur and surrounded it at the end of the six hundred and eighteenth year (February 1222). It was after / 67 / the departure of Jalal ad-Din to India, which we will tell about, if Allah wills.

When the Tatars approached, they stopped east of the city, in the village of Nushdzhan, where there were many trees and water was in abundance. They stayed here until they made up for the lack of siege weapons: defensive walls, mobile towers, catapults and battering rams. They went to Nishapur and that same day they set up two hundred fully equipped catapults and threw them. Three days later they took possession of it and caused it the same thing as the rest of the cities. He became the same as the others, and a stream passed through him, misfortune swept around him, and day and night mourned him. Then the Tatars ordered the prisoners to level it with shovels until the ground was level, without clods and stones, and the rider could not stumble here, and they played ball here. Most of the inhabitants died underground, since they had previously built basements and underground passages for themselves, believing that they could stay there.

When Jalal ad-Din, as will be said later, returned from India and took possession of the regions of Khorasan and neighboring parts of Iraq and Mazandaran, then, despite their ruin, digging out treasures was farmed out for three thousand dinars a year. Most often, the farmer took upon himself the payment of such an amount and extracted it in one day, since the money was buried in the pits along with their owners. Similar things happened everywhere in other cities of Khorasan, Khorezm, Iraq, Mazandaran, Arran, Azerbaijan, Gur, Ghazna, Bamiyan, Sijistan up to the borders of India.

And if I spoke about this in detail, then nothing would have to be changed, except for the name of the besieger and the besieged, and there is no need to continue talking about it.

/68 / Chapter 24

The story of how the Sultan appointed his son Jalal ad-Din Mankburna as the heir to the throne and removed [from succession] another son - Qutb ad-Din Uzlag Shah

We have already mentioned that Qutb ad-Din Uzlag Shah was appointed heir to the throne, since at that time it was necessary to indulge the desires of Terken Khatun and follow her will both near and far from her.

When the Sultan's illness on the island intensified and he learned that his mother had been captured, he called on Jalal ad-Din and his two brothers, Uzlag Shah and Ak Shah, who were on the island, and said: “The bonds of power have been broken, the foundations of the state have been weakened. and destroyed. It became clear what goals this enemy had: his claws and teeth firmly clung to the country. Only my son Mankburna can avenge him for me. And so I appoint him heir to the throne, and both of you must obey him and embark on the path of following him. Then he personally attached his sword to the thigh of Jalal ad-Din. After that, he remained alive only a few days and died, having appeared before his master. He went down to the grave with his grief, may Allah Almighty have mercy on him!

The story of the situation in Khorezm after the departure of Terken-Khatun from there

When the mentioned one left Khorezm and left it, she did not leave anyone there who could organize affairs and manage the mass [of people]. Power over [the city] was taken over by "Ali Kuh-i Darugan, and he was a troublemaker and a bully. Kuh-i Darugan was called him for his great deceit; the meaning of this name is:" a lie such as a mountain.

Because of the inability to organize affairs, ignorance of the laws of government and the insignificance of its concept in matters of leadership, people found themselves in a difficult situation and confusion. Respectful fear disappeared / 69 / in front of the authorities. The souls of people were inclined to what is in their nature: to civil strife, mutual enmity and hatred. The income of the sofa became the object of plunder for any swindler and the prey of every predator. If the aforementioned Kuh-i Darugan wrote a demand to any locality for the collection of kharaj in the amount of one hundred thousand dinars, and only one thousand dinars were delivered to him, then he rejoiced at this too. It seemed to him that this money was a gift generously given to him, that it was a manifestation of love and disposition towards him.

This continued until some officials of the divan, such as mushrif"Imad ad-Din and Sharaf ad-Din Kopek. They forged letters on behalf of the Sultan, and since people did not yet know about the death of the Sultan, they took the means of the sofa into their hands. Kuh-i Darugan refrained from solving cases, as he heard that the Sultan is alive and [opposes] the Tatars.

The situation [in Khorezm] remained so until the return of Jalal ad-Din and his two brothers, Uzlag Shah and Ak Shah, after the death of the Sultan.

The story of how Jalal ad-Din and his brothers Uzlag-shah and Ak-shah returned to Khorezm and how they fled from there in fear, splitting into two groups due to strife

When the sultan went to the mercy of Allah and was buried on the island, as described earlier, Jalal ad-Din, with the two brothers mentioned, moved by sea to Khorezm. There were about seventy horsemen with them. When they approached Khorezm, they were met from the city with horses, weapons and banners, and thanks to this their situation improved. The disorder stopped, and people rejoiced at their arrival, as a person rejoices who suffered from an illness, but received a life-saving medicine, or as one who despaired / 70 / see while he returned to his friends.

Seven thousand horsemen gathered to them from among the Sultan's troops, from those who were hiding in the deserts and who were thrown into Khorezm by various gatherings and groups. Most of them were from the Bayavut tribe, and their leader was Buchi-Pakhlavan, nicknamed Kutlug Khan. They had a penchant for Uzlag Shah because of family ties with him, rejected his consent to renounce [from inheritance], responding with ingratitude to a good deed. They conspired to capture Jalal ad-Din and imprison him or kill him. Inanj Khan learned about what was being prepared against Jalal ad-Din. He informed him of this and advised him to leave. And he set off, heading for Khorasan with three hundred horsemen, led by Damir-Malik. And those (Uzlag-shah and Ak-shah) remained after him in Khorezm for three days. They received alarming news about the movement of the Tatars from Maverannahr towards Khorezm. Then they set out after Jalal ad-Din, heading for Khorasan. In the future, if Allah wills, we will tell about what happened to them and to Jalal ad-Din after their departure.

The story of Nizam ad-Din as-Sam "ani, about his stay in my fortress of Khurandiz for some time and about his hasty departure from it because of fear

Nizam ad-Din as-Sam "ani was from a family of worthy scientists and ra "isov, possessed virtues inherited from the time when light began to replace darkness, and nights and days began to alternate. Members of noble families did not deny [the antiquity] of their origin, and if they met one of them, they said: "I met the master." The one mentioned was noble, worthy, even rather a star of merit. The luminary fell at his feet, experts in eloquence almost worshiped him. When he made a speech, it was said: “Let [his mouth] not close!”, And when / 71 / wrote, they asked: “Let his ten [fingers] not stop!”

He was transferred to Khorezm at the request of the Sultan, so that such a person was constantly with him and he [could] consult with him about the affairs and organization of the state. He received an enviable rank and high position from the Sultan. When he left the sultan's service, he wanted to hide in some fortress what was preserved, fearing to lose the last, not yet captured by misfortune. He arrived at the Khurandiz fortress and stayed there for two months. Despite his nobility and high position, he several times spoke in the fortress with sermons because of the heat of his soul and the wavering of his hopes. Perhaps if he had been asked to deliver a sermon in Khorezm, when people were [ordinary] people and the time was [ordinary] time, he would have refused it. When he mentioned the Sultan in his sermon, he could not help crying, he began to sob, and those who listened also began to cry and scream.

When the Tatars captured Nasa - and this was the first of the cities of Khorasan they captured - and he learned that they had killed Imam Shihab ad-Din al-Khivaki - may Allah have mercy on him - he was seized with fear and he was seized with fear and cowardice. Together with me, he went around the fortifications of the fortress and showed me the places from which the ants would slip if they climbed, and where the bird could not fly in high flight, and said: “Here the Tatars will appear!”

It so happened that one of the main [Tatar] tyrants, Nachin-noyan, on the third day after they captured Nasa, arrived at the fortress and approached the only place from which one could descend [from it]. As soon as Nizam ad-Din saw this, his patience was exhausted and he fell into a panic. He insisted that I accompany him through the mountains of some kind / 72 / safe side, along with his retinue, pack animals, ghouls and all belongings. I did this with disapproval hidden, even obvious, and was surprised at the fear that seized the pillars and nobles of the state. At the same time, they did not believe that the fortress could protect [them] and that some kind of force could repel and drive away [the enemy]. May Allah save us from helplessness!

And the one mentioned (Nizam ad-Din) descended [from the fortress] at night along the mountains from their western side, while the Tatars settled down from the eastern side. When they came down the mountain, they found themselves on a hill that could not be walked on, and they rolled to the very bottom of the hill. In the process, several of their pack animals were smashed. The aforementioned arrived in Khorezm, where at that time the sons of the Sultan, who had returned from the island, were staying, and sent a decree from Uzlag Shah [on granting me] a rich iqta".

So, when the accursed Nachin-noyan saw that this fortress was like an eagle in the air - there was neither access nor an attack [to it], he sent an ambassador and made demands. He demanded ten thousand cubits of cloth, and made several other base demands to his disgrace, and he was marked by his dishonor and branded with his fire, or rather shame. There were not enough clothes for him, captured from the inhabitants of Nasa! I agreed to what he demanded, in order to avert a greater disaster with a lesser one.

When the fabrics were collected, no one from the fortress dared to take them, since everyone knew that they (Tatars) kill anyone who fulfills their desire. Finally, two decrepit old men from the inhabitants of the fortress voluntarily agreed to this. They brought their children and bequeathed to take care of them and do good to them if they were both killed. This cloth was delivered to the accursed, he accepted it, killed both old men and left. Then he began to raid the whole district and drove so many cattle that the steppes were filled with them and the plains and deserts became cramped for him. Nothing escaped his hands, and the villages were burned to the ground.

/73 / The following is very surprising: while death spread throughout Khorasan, and the mentioned fortress differed from other places in that it survived from their raids and escaped their revenge, a plague appeared in it and brought the death of most of its inhabitants. One day, so many funeral processions came out of the fortress that they overtook one another. The angel of death delivered them from the torments of the siege. And glory to Him who appointed death [destiny] for creatures! And well said he who said:

Who does not perish by the sword - perishes otherwise!
The reasons are different, but the problem is the same!

Chapter 28

The story of the departure of Jalal ad-Din from Khorezm and the reason for this

When Jalal ad-Din learned that his brother Uzlag-shah and the emirs, acting along with him, decided to seize him and conspired to destroy him, he set off on a journey with three hundred horsemen led by Damir-Malik. In a few days he crossed the desert separating Khorezm from Khorasan, and its caravans pass in sixteen days of travel with the usual alternation of transitions and stops. He came out of the desert to the district of Nasa.

Genghis Khan, having received a message about the return of the sons of the Sultan to Khorezm, sent a huge army there and ordered the troops in Khorasan to disperse along the border of the mentioned desert and watch from ambushes. They arranged a ring around this desert from the borders of Merv to the borders of Shahristan, and this is one of the districts of Farava, in order to seize the sons of the Sultan when they, ousted from Khorezm, decide to leave for Khorasan. On the border of the desert, near Nasa, there were seven hundred horsemen from them (Tatars), and people did not know the reason for their stay here until / 74 / Jalal ad-Din did not come out of the desert. He fought them, and each side reached the limit of what was possible in defeating the enemy, in blows inflicted by swords and spears. The battle ended with the defeat of the Tatars. They abandoned their booty, their belongings, equipment, weapons and supplies. Of these, only rare loners and those who fled in advance were saved. It was the first Muslim sword to be stained with their blood and play with parts of their bodies.

Jalal ad-Din told me after his cause had risen and his power had been strengthened: “If it were not for your Tatars - that is, the Tatars of the Nasa district - and not for help with the horses that belonged to them, we would not have been able to reach Nishapur due to weakness our horses, on which we crossed the desert." And part of the Tatars, having lost hope of escaping from swords and spears, fled in disorder, [hiding] in the canals of the district, but the peasants took them out and drove them to the city, where they chopped off their heads.

At that time, I was in the city of Nas in the service of Emir Ikhtiyar ad-Din Zangi ibn Muhammad ibn Hamza. The mentioned one did not yet know how the matter with the Tatars ended, when suddenly a letter arrived to him from ra "isa Javanmanda - and this is one of the villages of Nasa. It said: “Riders arrived at us this afternoon in the amount of about three hundred people with black banners. They claimed that Jalal ad-Din was among them and that they had exterminated the Tatars who were near Nasa. We did not believe them until one of them came close to the wall and said: “You are forgiven for this caution, and the Sultan thanks you for it. Give us something to eat and feed for the horses to satisfy our hunger and help us continue on our way. Otherwise, you will regret it later on when you find out the situation.” / 75 / He ( ra "is) continued: “Then we sent them what they needed, and an hour later they set off.”

When the ruler of Nasa became convinced that the one who attacked the Tatars who were in the [district] of Nasa was Jalal ad-Din, he sent one of his entourage with horses and loaded mules as a sign of service, but he did not catch up with him. Jalal ad-Din went to Nishapur, and the one who went with horses and mules remained in the Khurandiz fortress until Uzlag-shah and Ak-shah arrived three days after him, who had fled from the Tatars, and he provided horses and mules for them . Jalal ad-Din himself arrived in Nishapur as a victor, rejoicing that, in order to please Allah Almighty, he stained his sword with the blood of the atheists.

The story about the departure of Qutb ad-Din Uzlag-shah and his brother Ak-shah from Khorezm after the departure of Jalal ad-Din from there, about the reason for this [flight] and about how the case of both of them ended

When Jalal ad-Din left Khorezm, fleeing from the tongues of death and fleeing from what souls and eyes had planned against him, a message came that the Tatars sent an army to Khorezm in order to deprive [the brothers] of the opportunity to quickly realize their intentions and oust them from the fortifications of their hopes. Therefore, Qutb ad-Din fled from there in fear with his brother Ak-Shah, not knowing what to do, since at that time he was deprived of information about the whereabouts of Jalal ad-Din and help from him. He set off after him, looking for him, passing where he passed, and went as an assistant or as a rival, until he reached Marj Shaig. Here a messenger from Nasa came to him with horses intended [as a gift] for Jalal ad-Din. This gift, although insignificant and insignificant, was accepted with gratitude. For this, he endowed the ruler of Nasa with some areas beyond the area that was under his rule. / 76 / The ruler of Nasa was very happy about this. He was ready to be content only with the fact that he was left in safety, since he returned to Nasa during the time of the Tatars and returned his hereditary possession without a decree ( misal), confirming [this], and without the Sultan's order, which could prove [the right to possession] and justify.

And that's when they were busy settling the affairs of the estates iqta", a messenger arrived with a letter from my paternal cousin Sa "d ad-Din Ja" far ibn Muhammad. He warned that a detachment of Tatars approached the fortress, collecting information about Jalal ad-Din, his goal and what kind of Sultan's troops arrived after him. The Tatars did not know about the arrival of Uzlag Shah [in the fortress]. In his letter, he mentioned that he himself went out of the fortress in order to distract the Tatars with a skirmish until the sultan, that is, Uzlag Shah, armed for battle or ready to flee, stepped forward.

Uzlag Shah immediately mounted his horse and rode out. The Tatars pursued him to Ustuv in the region of Khabushan and overtook him in a village called Vashta. He took up position against them and drew up [his detachment]. Both sides fought hard and did not spare their weapons. Then the case ended with the defeat of the godless, and they turned to flight. Truly, there was a watering place for aimed spears and a competition for swift-footed horses. Of the Tatars, only riders on horseback and those who hid in the meanders of the wadi escaped.

Uzlag Shah and his companions were blinded by the fact that they had won a quick victory, and forgot about what the blow of fate might be in the future. They believed that there were no Tatars left in the areas of Khorasan, except for those who had already fallen under the tips [spears] or were driven away to the streams of swords. And so, when they were in this parking lot, they were suddenly attacked by another detachment of the damned [Tatars]. And only when the attackers surrounded them like a necklace around their neck, they were horrified, and what was easy became difficult, and victory was followed by defeat.

/77 /He put on the clothes of death, staining them with blood,
but the night did not hide them, and they became green taffeta .

He died a martyr for his faith, may Allah have mercy on him, and his brother Ak-Shah and all who were with them from the victims of misfortunes and those who were captured by the fangs of disasters died with him. The Tatars returned with the heads of both of them impaled on spears. To spite the nobles and to the annoyance of those who saw it, they carried them around the country, and the inhabitants, seeing these two heads, were in turmoil, and [it seemed] the tragedy of Hasan and Husayn was repeated for them. May Allah save this world of ours from that thoughtless one that devours her children without pity, from a cruel [fate] that does not respect duty in dealing with guests [in this world]. The vicissitudes of fate and the cruelty of the times are complained [only] to Allah. Yes!

These dead had precious stones like shining stars, but the Tartars did not find them. The common people of this village went out to the dead and collected jewelry. Little understanding of them, they sold them at the lowest price in the petty market. As the ruler of Nasa, Nusrat ad-Din, told me, he bought from them several Badakhshan gems, each of which weighed three or four misqal, and any of these stones cost thirty dinars or less. The one mentioned (Nusrat ad-Din) bought one diamond among them for seventy dinars. It was subsequently delivered to Jalal ad-Din. He recognized the diamond and said: “This stone belonged to my brother Uzlag Shah. It was bought for him in Khorezm for four thousand dinars.” Jalal ad-Din gave it to a jeweler in Ganja so that he could put it in a ring, but he said that he had lost the diamond, and this was confirmed. They ordered to announce the loss throughout the city within two days, but he was not found.

The story of the arrival of Jalal ad-Din in Nishapur and the departure from the city in the direction of Ghazna

/78 / When [Jalal ad-Din] arrived in Nishapur and stopped here, honing his determination to wage a holy war, he began to write to the emirs, landowners and usurpers, who at that time captured various areas due to the fact that there was no one to protect them. There were many of them, and the wits of that time called them "emirs of the seventh year." They were ordered to hasten the arrival and muster of the troops, and the order was reinforced by the reassuring promise that the favor would not be broken.

Ihtiyar ad-Din Zangi ibn Muhammad ibn Hamza had already returned to Nasa by this time, took possession of the right seized from him and returned to himself the inheritance taken from him. Although he was sure of the Sultan's death, he did not dare to declare himself independent. It used to be that decrees and permits were written, and he assured them with the sign of the one who succeeded the Sultan [Muhammad] in Nas before the Tatars took possession of it. So he did until he received an order ( tauki") Jalal ad-Din with his approval in what his hand took possession of, returning [selected], and with a promise to add if he (Jalal ad-Din) sees even more diligent service from him. Then [on the letters] the seal of Ikhtiyar ad-Din reappeared.

Jalal ad-Din was in Nishapur for a month, sending messengers in different directions to collect troops and reinforcements, until the Tatars found out about this and hurried to prevent his intentions. Then he set out from Nishapur with the Khorezmians who joined him, quickly covering distances, until he arrived at the al-Kakhira fortress, built in Zauzan by the ruler of Kerman, Mu "ayyid al-Mulk. The sentinel lights in it seemed to be stars because of the height, or rather, He (Jalal ad-Din) was going to gain a foothold in it. However, "Ain al-Mulk, the son-in-law of Mu" Ayyid al-Mulk, who was entrusted with the protection of the fortress, warned him against this, saying to him: "It is not good if someone like you hides in some kind of fortress, even if it were built on the “horn” of the stars al-Farkadan, on the top of [the constellation] al-Jawz" or even higher and further. Fortresses / 79 / is to the lords what the spine of a horse is to a lion. And even if you fortify yourself in the fortress, the Tatars [will still] destroy its buildings until they reach the goal.” Then Jalal ad-Din ordered to bring some of the gold that was in the vaults of the fortress. It was delivered, and he distributed the sacks [of gold] among those who accompanied him. He left al-Qahira and hurried to the borders of Busta.

There he learned that Genghis Khan was in Talakan with a numerous detachment and militias that could not be counted. And now the light of day seemed to him a dark night, and the stop and flight - [equally] terrible, because wherever he turns, there is no salvation either behind him or in front of him. Then [Jalal ad-Din], continuing to be in danger, hastily moved to Ghazna, bypassing everything in the houses and not stepping on the ground to stop. On the second or third day he was informed that Amin-Malik, the maternal cousin of the Sultan [Muhammad], the ruler of Herat and his mukta". He had already left Herat, seeking to get away from the Tatars, and went to Sistan to take possession of it, but could not. Now he was returning, having with him ten thousand horsemen-Turks, like lion cubs, rushing [to prey]. [They were] from among the selected troops of the Sultan, who had escaped from disasters, their number increased, and they were ready for battle. Jalal ad-Din sent [a messenger] to him, informing him that he was close, and urging [him] to come to him as soon as possible.

And so both of them met and conspired to attack the Tatars, who were besieging the fortress of Kandahar. Both of them came out against them, and the enemies of Allah, blinded, did not see what misfortunes await them and what traps surround them. They believed that the enemy was only running from them like a gazelle, that no one was going to attack, that the spears of resistance were blunted and there was no one to use them, when suddenly they saw these spears that thirst for their throats and strive for their hearts, / 80 / and saddled the back of the flight. But only a few of them escaped, and they brought Genghis Khan the news of what had happened to his army. Confusion seized him when he saw that his companions had become meat for sharp swords and food for lame eagles.

And Jalal ad-Din went to Ghazna and entered it gloriously, victoriously, glorifying Allah for making it easier for him to succeed. Perhaps someone who is familiar with the "Book of Ways and States" knows how huge the distance from Khorezm to Ghazna is, during which the troops of Genghis Khan stood looking for Jalal ad-Din. And yet he (Jalal ad-Din) found the enemy like an overtaking night, although he had traveled a long distance. And have you ever heard of an army that traveled so quickly a distance of two months' journey, and of a mass that was so great that it could fill the space between two seas?

The story of the position of Badr ad-Din Inanj Khan and what happened to him in Khorasan and other places after his rescue from Bukhara, until his death in Shi "b Salman

Badr ad-Din Inanj Khan was one of the great emirs of Sultan [Muhammad], one of his khajibs, prominent military leaders and nobles. The Sultan appointed him among those who were stationed in Bukhara, as has already been said. Then, when the Tatars took possession of it (Bukhara), fear threw him into the desert adjoining Nasya, with a small detachment from among his adherents and others. He was where those who seek places for nomadism dare not [go], where they are not seen going to the watering place and there is neither water nor food.

When Ihtiyar ad-Din Zangi, the ruler of Nasa, heard that he was in fear there, he decided to supply him, so that this would be for him the most useful merit in the eyes of the Sultan and a barrier between him and those who disputed his right to inherit. He wrote to him, congratulating him on his salvation / 81 / and promising him any possible help, so that he would put the staff of stay with him. [He did this] because he knew about the high place and unattainable position of Badr ad-Din and hoped to take advantage of his intercession and expected power.

And he (Ikhtiyar ad-Din) said: "If you retired to the desert, being wary of a sudden raid of the Tatars, then after all, we are also carefully watching where they stop and where they go." Therefore, the said (Inanj Khan) went to Nasa, and Ihtiyar ad-Din helped him in whatever way he could, providing weapons, beasts of burden, clothing, equipment and provisions, so that his situation became better and his confusion passed.

In Nashjuvan - one of the main villages of Nasa, where there were many people and there were walls, a moat and bastions, ra "is Abu-l-Fath bowed to the side of the Tatars and entered into correspondence with them. When the troops stationed in Khorezm died, he informed the Tatars that Inanj Khan was in Nas and conspired with its owner. An army was dispatched to him to pursue Inanj Khan and capture him. When the Tatars arrived in Nashjuvan, ra "is gave a man who showed them the way to Inanj Khan, who was nearby. During Inanj Khan's stay in Nas and its environs, he was joined by all the remnants of the Sultan's troops who were hiding in the shelter and found themselves in this area. He lined them up in battle formation against the enemy and urged the believers to fight.

I was an eyewitness of the battle, achieving a worthy fate for those who are zealous in comparison with those who are sitting [at home] ( Paraphrasing of a Qur'anic quotation (IV, 97/95)), since I accompanied him (Inanj Khan) as deputy ruler of Nasa to promote his aspirations and fulfill his requirements, so that he would not need anything if the need forced him to turn [to the ruler]. And I saw that Inanj Khan [made] in battle such that, if Rustam had seen it at one time, he would have been frightened by how Inanj Khan wields a bridle, and Inanj Khan’s art of using a sword and a spear would have brought him up . When the battle broke out, he rushed into its abyss, / 82 / struck blows with both hands and cut chain mail in half. The Tatars attacked him twice, but he stood firm against them. At this time, the air was deafened by the grinding of iron on iron, swords quenched the thirst of their breasts at the watering place of the carotid arteries. Inanj Khan's sword broke when the coal of battle flared up, the flames of battle flared up. His horse fell and he jumped on another. Companions freed him from the rabble that surrounded and attacked him and [brought] out of the mixed ranks. And when he mounted his horse, he rushed at the enemies in such a way that he made this attack the end of the battle and the end of the battle. The defeated [Tatars] fled, showed the rear and turned back in helplessness, thinking that flight would save them from persecution and protect them from imminent death. But behind them are horses with long necks, and in front of them is a barren desert. Inanj Khan pursued the defeated to Nashjuvan, drunk with extermination, thirsting for their blood. All that day he cut their backs with his sword and sowed death among them, chasing them into every hole and drawing them out of every hiding place.

The satisfaction of their death became alive, but the fury died.

By the end of the day, he reached Nashjuvan, and a group of Tatars, fragments crushed by the millstone of war, withdrew there; they stood at the gates of Nashjuvan and called Abu-l-Fatha. However, Abu-l-Fath refused to let them in after having blackened his own face with the paint of apostasy and dressed in the clothes of godlessness, so that he worsened [his fate] by the loss of both worlds. And when the Tatars saw that the persecution fire reached the ditch, they began to rush into the water, and Inanj Khan, along with those who arrived with him on the fastest horses, stopped and began to pour rain [arrows] from a cloud of bows, / 83 / until they drowned and went to eternal fire.

When he (Inanj Khan) returned to his camp with a victorious banner and glory that reached the equator, he sent an ambassador to the ruler of Nasa with the good news that Allah helped him achieve what he wanted and sent his arrows straight to the target. He sent with him (the ambassador) ten Tatar horses as a gift and ten captives and ordered him (Ikhtiyar ad-Din) to besiege Nashjuvan and clear it of Abu-l-Fath. He besieged it and took possession of it, and Abu-l-Fath died, squeezed in a vise. “He lost both the immediate life and the last. This is a clear loss! (Quran XXII, 11 (11)).

Inanj Khan headed towards Abivard, and in the souls [of the people] respect for him was already strengthened. He collected the haraj of Abiward, and no one disputed this. There, he was joined by the leaders of the troops of the Sultan from those who were in danger and hid gorges and valleys, such as Iltaj-Malik, Tegin-Malik, Bekshan Khankishi, amir ahur Kochidek, al-hadim Amin ad-Din Rafiq and others.

He returned to Nasa, and his troops became larger, and the number of his supporters and troops multiplied. His arrival there coincided with the death of Ikhtiyar ad-Din Zangi. He (Inanj Khan) demanded from his successor that he provide him with Nasa's haraj for the six hundred and eighteenth year (25.II 1221 - 14.II 1222) as help to supply the people who joined him from the troops of the Sultan. He voluntarily or out of fear agreed to this, and Inanj Khan collected the tax and distributed it among them. From here he went to Sabzavar, one of the districts of Nishapur, where [was] Ilchi-Pakhlavan, who seized power here.

Inanj Khan sought to take away Sabzavar from him, and they met in battle near the city. The battle ended with the defeat of Ilchi-/ 84 / Pahlavan, and his flight led him to Jalal ad-Din, who was then in the depths of India. The power of Inanj Khan increased, and his power extended to the most remote regions of all Khorasan and to everything else that had survived the troubles.

Then Kuch-Tegin-Pakhlavan, who was in Merv and took possession of his remnants, which fate spared, crossed the Jeyhun to Bukhara, unexpectedly attacked the head of the Tatar detachment here and killed him. Then the turmoil, which had been subdued, began to move, and the extinguished anger flared up. They (Tatars) in the amount of ten thousand horsemen came out against him and defeated him. The flight led him to Sabzavar, where Yekengu, the son of Ilchi-Pahlavan, was located. They both stopped there and agreed to go to Jurjan and join Inanj Khan, who at that time was near him. They came to him, and after them the Tatars were chasing. Both of them hesitated between two desires: to accept the fight or to run further - and changed the course of their horses from a walk to a trot. They found him (Inanj Khan) in al-Khalqa, an open space between Jurjan and Astrabad, large enough for maneuvering and fighting.

The Tatars arrived two days after them, and both sides formed up in battle order. Then the crucible of battle flared up and the subordinates and the leaders mixed up. Swords were seen plucking brains from skulls and spears licking blood from hearts. But soon a cloud of dust arose and hid the objects from view, so that it was impossible to distinguish spears from shields. Of the famous warriors and illustrious heroes, this day died for the faith of Sarkang and amir ahur Kochidek, equal in blows with a sword and a spear. And colored / 85 / earth the color of anemones from the spattered blood of the necks and shoulders. Finally, the legs of the Turks gave way, and they were partly captured, and partly died. Inanj Khan, spurring his horse and freeing himself from the [excessive] load, rushed on his way until he reached Giyas ad-Din Pir Shah, who was in Ray. He rejoiced at his arrival and recognized his merits. He constantly honored him, until Inanj Khan had the idea to woo his mother, which caused a departure from what he wanted and had the consequence of shame and censure.

He (Inanj Khan) lived only a few days after that. It is said that someone was sent to him, who gave him a poisoned tincture and left him prostrate on his bed, but whether this is true, Allah knows best. He was buried in Shi "b Salman in the Fars region, and this is a famous mazar.

The battle in Dzhurdzhan took place in the six hundred and nineteenth year (15.II 1222 - 3.II 1223). I was also present there, and the vicissitudes of the war threw me to ispahbad "Imad ad-Dawle Nusrat ad-Din Muhammad ibn Kabud-Jama, who was in the fortress of Humayun. He received me with honor, and I stayed with him for several days until the roads became safe and he did not send me under guard to my fortress.

The story of the situation of the son of the Sultan, the ruler of Iraq Rukn ad-Din Gursanjti, and what happened to him

Said one joined the Sultan during his retreat to Iraq. The flight after the defeat at Farrazin led him to the borders of Kerman, which was subject to his power / 86 / and where his orders were carried out. He remained here for nine months and did business in the lands of Kerman, managing his taxes and money as he pleased, until he was seized by the desire to return to Iraq. Here his happiness changed and his flint was broken. He went there, walking with his feet towards death. Approaching Isfahan, he received news that Jamal ad-Din Muhammad ibn Ai-Aba al-Farrazini planned to seize Iraq and gathered in Hamadan a certain number of Iraqi Turks, rogues, instigators of unrest, such as Ibn Lachin Ja-kirja, treasurer ( Khazinadar) Aibek, Ibn Karagyoz, Hyp ad-Din Jabra "il, Ak-Sunkur al-Kufi, Aibek al-Abdar and the ruler of Qazvin Muzaffar ad-Din Bazdar.

However, it so happened that in these days, the qadi of Isfahan Mas "ud ibn Sa" id opposed him (Rukn ad-Din), leaning towards friendship with Jamal ad-Din ibn Ai-Aba. Rukn ad-Din, along with the army and supporters who were here ra "isa Sadr al-Din al-Khujandi moved towards the quarter of the qadi, known as Jubara. He shed blood and killed until he completely possessed him. And the qadi fled to Fars, hiding under the protection of atabek Sa "da, who ensured his safety, sheltered him and did him good. After that, Rukn ad-Din decided to go to Hamadan to meet Jamal ad-Din there, take precautions against him and mow down the grass of his evil has grown, and his troops have dispersed through the quarters of Isfahan to stock up on food and clothing and satisfy their need for it. 87 / the inhabitants of it (Isfahan) were already embittered against them because of the robbery and bloodshed that they committed in the quarter of the qadi. So they closed the city gates, took up knives and killed many of them in the markets and shops. This undermined the strength and power of Rukn ad-Din, and his resolve, which had been strengthened, weakened.

And then he detached his maternal cousin Karshi-bek, [as well as] Togan-khan, Kuch-Buga-khan, emir of the banner ( amir al-"alam) Iraq Shams ad-Din to fight with Ibn Ai-Aba al-"Iraqi. When the distance between the parties became close, Kuch-Buga Khan treacherously went over to the side of Ibn Ai-Aba, acting ungratefully towards the one who put him in the head of excellent warriors, who, having picked him up insignificant, made him a khan.Because of his betrayal, the rest of the military leaders became cowardly and, not accepting the battle, turned back.

Rukn ad-Din rushed to Ray and met a group of Ismaili preachers here ( du "at). They urged the people of Rhea to follow their cause and tempted them to be saved if they became their adherents. Upon learning of them, Rukn ad-Din put an end to them.

Before he had time to gather strength here, the news came that the Tatars were heading towards him and intended to attack him. Then he hid in the fortress of Ustunavand and fortified himself there. This fortress was well defended, the wings of the eagles were weak to reach its height; with the difficulty of access to it, it did not need walls. The Tartars surrounded it and, as usual in the siege of such fortresses, erected a wall around it. Rukn ad-Din and those who owned it before him believed that it was impossible to take it except by starvation, and [then] after a long siege, / 88 / and it cannot be overcome by cunning or deceit.

And he was frightened only when [heard] the cries of the damned [Tatars], heard at dawn around his dwelling. The reason for this was that the guard was placed on those sides from which danger was expected and where it was possible to assume the use of cunning. However, the places where, because of their impregnability, the predecessors did not consider it necessary to place guards were overlooked. In one of these places, the Tatars discovered a crevice in the wall, overgrown with grass from top to bottom. They made long stakes of iron and drove them into it at night. When they drove in a stake, one of them climbed on it and drove in another, higher than that, and then rose higher and higher, lowered the rope and raised the others. So they surrounded the house, when the soldiers dispersed, and the guard and the gatekeeper were powerless. A door opened before them, behind which there was mercy, and on the outside - torment.

He wished them good night, and was their bed of silk,

but he came to them in the morning, and their bed was dust.
And those of them who had a spear in their hands,
become like those whose hands are painted with henna .

Rukn ad-Din was killed by them, and, alas, neither luxurious clothes, nor a straight camp, nor a look like the moon, nor respect for his greatness and glory helped him.

On the day of his death Banu Nakhban were like
to the stars of heaven [who saw] that the full moon had fallen on its face.

When news came to Jamal ad-Din ibn Ai-Aba and the Iraqi emirs who were with him about what happened to / 89 / Rukn ad-Din and his companions, his heart fluttered and he lost his head. And those troops that were in Hamadan began to whisper to him from all sides so that he would enter the service of the Tatars and take possession of hereditary possessions with their help. They pushed him on [the path] of error, inciting him to the impossible, “like Satan: here he said to a man: “Be unfaithful! “And when he became unfaithful, he said: “I renounce you. I fear Allah, Lord of the worlds!” And the consummation for both of them was that they were in the fire, staying there forever. Such is the reward of the unrighteous!” (Quran LIX, 16-17 (16-17) )

And he entered into correspondence with them, showing humility, obedience and declaring his submission. The Tatars sent him Tatar honorary clothes, known for misfortune and tailored with meanness and shame. And he put it on, showing them friendliness, and blackened his face with the color of apostasy.

The Tatars, going to Hamadan, sent to him and conveyed the following: "If you are faithful to what you declared about obedience and friendship to us, then you should appear." He came to them, trusting in their contractual obligation, but they threw words of rejection of friendship in his face. And he was ashamed that he trusted the treacherous and "founded his building on the edge of the crumbling shore" (Quran IX, 110 (109)).

After killing him and the Iraqis with him, the Tatars came to Hamadan. met them ra "is"Ala" ad-Dawla ash-Sharif al-"Alawi. [Jamal ad-Din] ibn Ai-Aba caused him many disasters and forced him to give him all the money that he owned, and deprived him of them. Mentioned ra "is promised the Tatars complete obedience. Then the Tatars entrusted him with the management of this city [and left]. After all, they knew that Jebe-noyan and Syubet-Bahadur, having captured Hamadan at the beginning of the Tatar uprising, completely swept away the riches of the city and expelled the inhabitants from there, and there was neither prosperity nor any protection left there.

/90 / Chapter 33

The story of the position of Ghiyath ad-Din and his campaign in Kerman

The Sultan once assigned Kerman to his son Giyas ad-Din Pir Shah. However, he did not manage to get here before Farrazin was besieged, as already mentioned. And so he broke out of the teeth of misfortune into the Karun fortress, and the owner of the fortress, Emir Taj ad-Din, served him properly. So it was until Rukn al-Din Gursanjti returned from Kerman to Isfahan and sent him [a letter] urging him to march on Kerman and notifying him that this area was free from those who could resist and cleared of those who could resist. who would defend it or dispute [power] in it. Then Ghiyath ad-Din went to Isfahan, where Rukn ad-Din was, who showed him due honors and treated him mercifully and attentively. Three days later, he marched on Kerman and took possession of it. The water [of Kerman] became clear to him, and the milk of his riches flowed abundantly. His work here became more and more brilliant, while the position of Rukn ad-Din in Iraq began to deteriorate and ended with his death in the fortress of Ustunavand, as we have already told.

However, the hopes for him (Ghiyath ad-Din) turned out to be futile and insignificant, and fate turned his virtues into [their] opposite, and the sad truth was communicated to respectable and worthy people.

Because of him, tongues stuttered in their mouths,

[stumbled] messengers on the roads and kalams in letters .

Iraq became a field for those who sought to master it, and lost those who could be an adversary to them.

By this time, Atabek Yigan Taisi had left the place of his confinement in the Sarjahan fortress. Reason / 91 / his imprisonment was such. Sultan [Muhammad] had previously assigned him to the service of his son Rukn al-Din Gursanjti, when he gave him possession of Iraq, so that Yigan Taisi would be his atabek and serve him. Soon Rukn ad-Din complained to his father about the impudence and arrogance of the aforementioned. He made his father understand that if he loosened the bridle of the atabek and allowed him to act and act as he pleased, then something would come from him that you could not correct later. Then the sultan allowed him to seize the atabek, and he arrested him and kept him imprisoned in the fortress of Sarjakhan until Iraq, during all these troubles, lost its defenders and became open to those who were eager to capture it. At that time wali Asad ad-Din al-Juwayni freed him from this fortress, since the whims [of fate] were favorable to him, and opinions about rejecting him began to be considered erroneous. Then detachments of Iraqis and Khorezmians gathered to him, and thanks to them, his shoulders straightened, his fangs and claws became sharp. Among those who joined him were: mukta" Save - Baha" ad-Din Sakur, Jamal ad-Din "Umar ibn Bazdar, emir Kai-Khusrau, mukta" Kashana - Hyp ad-Din Jabra "il, son of Hyp ad-Din Kyran Khuvan, Aydamir ash-Shami, mukta" Simnana - Kotek, Aydogdy Kele, Togrul al-A "sar (Lefty) and mukta" Karaca - Sayf ad-Din Gotyaruk.

During this time, Odek Khan managed to capture Isfahan. Ghiyath ad-Din wanted to win his heart over and involve him in his party and married him to his sister Aisi Khatun in order to strengthen his obedience. He postponed her wedding until the enmity unknown to him before between the aforementioned (Odek Khan) and Atabek Yigan Taisi became clear to him: after all, both of them captured two parts of Iraq. Satan took over them, and both of them found no other way, / 92 / except for discord, and refused to agree to action. Atabek moved against Odek Khan, who was in Isfahan with seven thousand horsemen or so, from among the Iraqi and Khorezmian Turks. And when Odek Khan found out about the atabek's campaign against him, he turned to Giyas ad-Din for support, and he sent two thousand horsemen led by Daulat-Malik to help him. But the atabek was ahead of him and set out before the arrival of reinforcements to Odek Khan. They both met in battle near Isfahan. Odek Khan had few forces at his disposal, and the battle ended with his being taken prisoner. Atabek refrained from killing him because of his family ties with the Sultan and because he differed from his associates in high rank.

When the wine had its effect on the atabeg and his friends, he ordered Odek Khan to be brought in, and he was taken to the banqueting hall, overflowing with Iraqis. Atabek rendered him proper honors, met him standing, with honor and respect. However, he was seated below some of the Iraqis, which pissed him off. His familiar treatment, despite his [known] closeness to the Sultan, led him to become impudent in his speech towards the atabek and entered into an argument with him. Then the atabek ordered to put an end to him, and he was strangled. Having sobered up, the atabek repented of what he had done, but it was too late: the sword struck the unarmed.

When Daulat-Malik, sent from Kerman to reinforce Odek Khan against the atabek Yigan Taisi, learned of the battle at the gates of Isfahan, he pulled the reins and stopped where he arrived. He wrote to Ghiyath ad-Din, telling him what the state of affairs was and why he did not rush into the abyss of battle. Then Ghiyath ad-Din joined him to take revenge and wash away the shame. They came together to march on Isfahan, where atabek Yigan Taisi was. / 93 / The qadi of the city made peace with him (Yigan Taisi) or submitted to him [together] with the inhabitants of his quarter. Only the quarter did not obey him ra "isa Sadr al-Din al-Khujandi because of unsatisfied revenge and enmity between him [and the qadi]. Ghiyath ad-Din hurriedly set off for Isfahan, and the atabeg was nearby in the morning, even before he was warned of the danger, and [before] fear struck him. It happened as Abu Firas said:

Oh, how often strongholds did not frighten me [with impregnable walls],

because I climbed them through the ruins with the dawn. Convinced that he could not avoid service and not evade obedience, the atabek fell on his face when he saw Ghiyath ad-Din, soiled his face with dust and showed his humility in all other ways. And the enmity that arose due to the fact that he allowed his people to kill Odek Khan stopped in the soul of Ghiyas ad-Din. He married his sister Aisi-khatun to Yigan Taisi and got married. However, the emirs accompanying him were hostile to this: they left his camp and avoided communication with him until Ghiyath ad-Din sent several envoys to them with a proposal for a truce and renunciation of mutual hostility. Then their suspicion fell away, they stopped plotting a break and striving [for this]. Returning to the service, they showed obedience and sincere support, with the exception of Aydamir ash-Shami, whose fate led to the atabek Uzbek, the ruler of Azerbaijan, where he died.

Ghiyath ad-Din established himself in Iraq, and his power extended to Khorasan and Mazandaran. He gave the whole of Mazandaran as iqta" Daulat-Malik, who strengthened his dominion here. Yigan Taisi [occupied] Hamadan with its regions and districts, and his dominance spread everywhere here. Each of them both took up administration in his own area, ordering his affairs and collecting taxes from them.

When / 94 / Daulat-Malik returned to the service of Ghiyas ad-Din, the power of the latter increased and he made a campaign against Azerbaijan, where the ruler was atabek Uzbek ibn Muhammad ibn Ildegiz. Ghiyath ad-Din launched a raid on the city of Maragha and other possessions of the atabek adjoining Iraq and stopped at Wuchan. Uzbek ambassadors repeatedly arrived at his place of residence, seeking peace in order to pay off a hot battle and bitter evil. He gave a princess to Ghiyas ad-Din ( Maliku) al-Jalaliyya, the ruler of Nakhichevan. After the foundations of harmony were strengthened, Ghiyath ad-Din returned to Iraq.

Yu. V. Seleznev

THE ACTIVITIES OF KHAN JELAL-AD-DIN IN THE CONTEXT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE ERA OF THE BATTLE OF GRUNEWALD

The beginning of the 15th century is a time of significant changes in the system of international relations in the Central and Eastern European region. They were associated with the collapse of the Horde as a single state and the formation of independent khanates and hordes with an independent foreign policy. However, all these processes were not simultaneous and stretched over a long, half-century period.

Various aspects of international relations at the indicated time in connection with the process of the disintegration of the Horde were touched upon in the works of B. D. Grekov and A. Yu. Yakubovsky1, I. B. Grekov2, A. A. Gorsky3, B. M. Pudalov4, P. V. Chechenkova5, V.V. Trepavlov6, in a special study by M.G. Safargaliev7, and also by the author of this work8. Most of the works consider general historical processes, but to a lesser extent affect the activities of individual characters. Meanwhile, an analysis of the life and work of individual representatives of the elite of the steppe state will help to identify the features of foreign policy processes in the region, clarify the composition of various political groups, their international relations and orientations.

1 Grekov B. D., Yakubovsky A. Yu. The Golden Horde and its fall. M.; L. 1950. S. 398-401, 403, 406.

2 Grekov I. B. Eastern Europe and the decline of the Golden Horde (at the turn of the XIV-XV centuries). M., 1975.

3 Gorsky A. A. Moscow and the Horde. M., 2000.

4 Pudalov B. M. The struggle for the Nizhny Novgorod region in the first third of the XV century. (new sources) // The Volga region in the Middle Ages. N. Novgorod, 2001. S. 132-134.

5 Chechenkov P. V. The Golden Horde and the Nizhny Novgorod land at the end of the XIV - the first third of the XV centuries. // Volga region in the Middle Ages. N. Novgorod, 2001. S. 130-131.

6 Trepavlov VV History of the Nogai Horde. M., 2002.

7 Safargaliev M. G. The collapse of the Golden Horde. Saransk, 1960.

8 Seleznev Yu. V. "And God will change the Horde ..." (Russian-Horde relations at the end of the 14th - the first third of the 15th century). Voronezh, 2006.

Attempts to maintain the unity of the Dzhuchiev Ulus at the end of the 14th - beginning of the 15th century. were associated with the names of Khan Toktamysh and Emir Idig (Edigei), who were political opponents of each other. In 1405, as a result of their next clash, Toktamysh died. His sons entered the political arena.

Jalal-ad-Din, the ninth son of Toktamysh, began to play a very active role in the life of the region. His mother was Tagaybek Khatun. His half-brothers and sisters (from the same mother) were Kepek, Kerim-Berdi, Said-bek-Khoja-Khatun, Janik-Khancha-Khatun, Melik-Khancha-Khatun9.

For the first time, as a political leader of the opposition to Edigey, Jalal-ad-Din appears in 1407. Then he managed to seize the throne of the Horde for a short time. However, Edigei managed to force him out to Bulgar,10 where in the summer of 1407 Jalal-ad-Din was proclaimed khan. Despite this, Edigey defeated his troops11.

The Arab author Ibn Arabshah notes that after the death of Toktamysh, his sons “scattered in [different] directions,” and two of his sons, Jalal-ad-Din and Kerim-Berdi, went to Russia12. However, Russian sources have not preserved any traces of the stay of the princes in Moscow or in other principalities. Perhaps, having passed through the outskirts of the Russian lands, Jalal-ad-Din and Kerim-Berdi went to Lithuania (according to S.V. Morozova, Vitovt provided constant support to Toktamy-shu and his sons)13. It is also possible that the stay of the Toktamysheviches in Russia was kept in the strictest confidence. Nevertheless, one of the accusations against Vasily I was precisely the harboring of the children of Toktamysh, which was considered the root cause of Edigey's invasion of Russia in 1408: "The hearing was such that you have Takhtamyshev's children"14. Important for resolving this issue may be the observation expressed by A. A. Gorsky that “Vasily was undoubtedly well personally acquainted with the sons of Tokhtamysh, since in his youth he lived in the Horde for about three years”15.

A curious piece of evidence is preserved in the Sofia II chronicle. According to him, in the summer of 1407, “Prince Vasily Dmitrievich and Prince Ivan Mikhailovich Tfersky went to the Horde along the Volza in court to Tsar Zeleni Saltan Takhtamyshevich, and at that time expel Tsar Shanibek Bulat-Saltan, and he himself went to the kingdom”16. However, most chronicles only mention the trip of Ivan of Tver, and without mentioning the name

9 SMOIZO. M.; L., 1941. V. 2. S. 62. - The pedigree of Jalal-ad-Din in the male ascending line is as follows: the ninth son of Toktamysh, the son of Tui-Khoja (Toi-Khoja), the eldest son of Kutluk-Khoja (Tuglu- Khoja), the eldest son of Kuichek (Kunchek), the son of Sarich, the fourth son of Urunk, the third son of Tuka-Timur, the thirteenth son of Jochi Khan, the eldest son of Genghis Khan (Seleznev Yu. V. Elite of the Golden Horde. Kazan, 2009. S. 71-72).

10 A coin of Jalal-ad-Din is known, struck in Bulgar in 810 AH (June 7, 1407 - May 26, 1408. Information provided by A.V. Pachkalov).

11 Safargaliev M. G. The collapse of the Golden Horde. S. 184.

12 SMOIZO. T. 1. S. 471-472; The Golden Horde in the sources (materials for the history of the Golden Horde or the ulus of Jochi). M., 2003. Vol. I: Arabic and Persian writings. S. 213.

13 Morozova S. V. The Golden Horde in Vitovt's Moscow policy // Slavs and their neighbors. Slavs and the nomadic world. M., 1998. S. 93.

14 Edigei's message to Grand Duke Vasily Dmitrievich // Gorsky A. A. Moscow and the Horde. M., 2000. Appendix II. pp. 196-197; PSRL. L., 1925. T. 4. Part 1. Issue. 2: Novgorod fourth chronicle. pp. 406-407; M., 1965. T. 11-12: Nikonovsky code. S. 211.

15 Gorsky A. A. Moscow and the Horde. S. 135.

16 PSRL. M., 2001. T. 6. Issue. 2: Sofia II chronicle. Stb. 27.

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Jalal-ad-Dina17. Probably, the evidence of the Sophia II Chronicle must be recognized as unreliable. The inaccuracy of the message is probably caused by the erroneous identification of two events - a trip to the Horde by Ivan of Tver in 1407 and the departure of Vasily I of Moscow and Ivan of Tver to Jalal-ad-Din in 1412.

However, another interpretation can be given: that the Russian princes went to Bulgar to Jalal-ad-Din (it would be convenient to do it along the Volga) and perhaps even received labels. But he did not stay in power and was quickly expelled by Edigei. These trips lost their official status and were removed from the chronicles, accidentally remaining in the Sophia II Chronicle. This, however, is unlikely.

According to Schiltberger, Khan Pulad "reigned for a year and a half and was expelled by Jalal-ad-Din"18. It was then, at the end of 1408, that Emir Edigey with the main forces of the Horde was near Moscow. The siege had to be stopped, since messengers arrived with the order of Pulad Khan to urgently return the troops to the steppe, since “a certain prince ... the king is to be driven out or killed”19. Allied relations between Basil and Jalal-ad-Din in this context seem very likely.

Further, the name of the son of Toktamysh is found in one of Vitovt's letters to the master of the Livonian Order (dated October 9, 1409). It notes that Jalal-ad-Din and his brother “by that time (writing letters. - Yu.S.) arrived in Grodno, just hoping to become the king of the Tatars and whom we helped to go to his people”20. M. G. Safargaliev quite rightly concludes that Jalal-ad-Din, with the help of Vitovt, seized power in the Horde, but after the return of Edigei’s troops from the campaign against Moscow, he was forced to reappear at the court of the Grand Duke of Lithuania21. At the same time, at the end of 1409, Vytautas concluded an agreement with Jalal-ad-Din on a military alliance against the Order22. The provisions of this agreement determined the participation of the Tatars, led by Jalal-ad-Din, in the Battle of Grunwald on July 15, 1410.

Then, at the end of 1409, the son of Toktamysh accompanies Vitovt to Brest-Russian, where he confers with Jagiello / Vladislav regarding the upcoming campaign against the Order. The Polish historian Jan Dlugosh further notes that after the negotiations, Vitovt, “the Grand Duke of Lithuania, leaves for Lithuania with the Tatar Khan, whom he kept in his country with everyone all winter and almost until the feast of St. his men and wives." Then Dlugosh notes that at the very beginning of hostilities, on June 25, 1410, Vitovt, following Jagiello at the Cherven Monastery, crossed the Vistula “with his

17 See, for example: PSRL. M., 2007. T. 18: Simeon Chronicle. P. 154: “On the same summer, July 20, Prince Ivan Tfersky went to the horde in court along the Volza to Tsar Shadibek; and at that time the silence was great, drive Shadebek from the kingdom of Bulat Saltan ... The same summer of Genvar, on the 25th, Prince Ivan Mikhailovich Tfersky left the horde ... ".

18 [Shiltberger I.] Journey of Ivan Shiltberger through Europe, Asia and Africa from 1394 to 1427 // Zapiski Novorossiyskogo universiteta. Odessa, 1867. T. 1. S. 35, 36.

19 PSRL. T. 11. S. 210.

20 Codex Epistolaris Vitoldi, Magni Ducis Lithuaniae, 1376-1430 / Collectus opera Antonii Prochaska // Monumenta medii aevi historica res gestas illustrantia. Cracoviae, 1882, vol. 6, p. 882.

21 Safargaliev M. G. The collapse of the Golden Horde. S. 184.

22 Codex Epistolaris Vitoldi. P. 187, 205.

army and the Tatar Khan, who had only three hundred soldiers with him. Then, for three days, Jagiello and Vitovt waited for the detachments to approach, “until the whole army approached”23.

It is possible that there were other detachments of the Tatars among these troops, but Dlugosh does not write anything about this. At the same time, L. V. Razumovskaya cites the opinion of S. Kuchinsky about the number of Tatar troops in 1000-2000 sabers24. M. Biskup calls the figure of 1000 horsemen25.

Under July 9, Dlugosh places the news of robberies on the march: “Lithuanians and Tatars rob, outrageously, churches and commit barbaric violence against women and girls.” At the request of the Polish chivalry, the two Lithuanians "most guilty" were hanged. It is significant that none of the Tatars was involved in the trial and punishment26.

During the Battle of Grunwald, a detachment of Tatars under the command of Jalal-ad-Din occupied the right flank of the Polish-Lithuanian troops27. Długosz reports that when “a battle broke out among the Lithuanians, Russians and Tatars, the Lithuanian army” fled in panic, and “most of them stopped fleeing as soon as they reached Lithuania”28. From the context of Dlugosh's narrative, one gets the impression that panic seized both the Tatars and the Russians (except for the three Smolensk regiments). However, Possilge's "Chronicle" mentions the participation of the Lithuanians in the final defeat of the order troops on the same day. It is possible that here we are witnessing the use of a favorite technique of nomadic troops - a feigned retreat in order to disrupt the ranks of the enemy. When the enemy detachments open the line, the cavalry, in full combat readiness, falls upon their enemy. This can be indirectly indicated by Dlugosh’s slip: “During the entire battle, the prince (Vitovt. - Yu. S.) acted among the Polish detachments and wedges, sending new and fresh warriors in return for tired and exhausted warriors and carefully monitoring the successes of both sides”29 . However, such an interpretation of the evidence from the sources about the flight of the Lithuanian troops remains only a cautious assumption30.

According to the reasoned opinion of M. G. Safargaliev, after the Battle of Grunwald in 1410, having ruined Poland, the troops of Jalal-ad-Din retreated to the steppe, where he made another attempt to seize the Horde throne. He managed to gain a foothold in the Crimea, and then he launched an offensive against Azak. In 1411, a battle took place here between Khan Pulad and Jalal-ad-Din, in which the first one died. But Yedigey elevated Timur, the son of Timur-Kutlug, to the khan's throne. His troops

23 Dlugosh J. Battle of Grunwald. SPb., 2007. S. 57, 68-69.

24 Razumovskaya L.V. Jan Dlugosh and the Battle of Grunwald // Dlugosh Ya. Battle of Grunwald. SPb., 2007. S. 181.

25 Biskup M. The Great War of Poland and Lithuania with the Teutonic Order (1409-1411) in the light of the latest research // VI. 1991. No. 12. S. 16.

26 Dlugosh J. Battle of Grunwald. pp. 74-75.

27 Dlugosh J. Battle of Grunwald. pp. 90, 102.

28 Dlugosh J. Battle of Grunwald. S. 102.

29 Dlugosh J. Battle of Grunwald. S. 110.

30 See, for example: Ekdahl S. Die Flucht der Litauer in der Schlacht bei Tannenberg // Zeitschrift fur Ostforschung. 1963. T. 12. S. 11.

captured the Venetian colony of Tana and plundered it, and Jalal-ad-Din again fled to Vitovt31. It was there that Prince of Tver Alexander Ivanovich found him:

That same summer (1411. - Yu.S.) ... Prince Alexander Ivanovich Tfersky went from Tver to Lithuania and ran into the king and prince of the great Vitoft Kestutievich in Kyiv, and Zeleni-Saltan Tsarevich, Taxtamyshev's son, was there by Vitoft Kestutievich .

In addition, in the Nikon code it is noted that “Taro of the same summer, Taxtamyshev, the son of Saltan, took the Orda uluses and plundered them”32. Unable to stay in power and Edigei. Ibn Arabshah reports that ^mur-khan, to whom Edigey married his daughter33,

He did not hand over his reins to (Emir) Idik, saying: “There is neither glory nor honor behind him; I am an advanced ram (i.e., the head), who is obeyed, how can I begin to obey (another); I am a bull (that is, a leader) who is followed, so how can I myself go after another? Discord arose between the two of them, latent hypocrisy appeared on the part of the haters, disasters and misfortunes, wars and hostile actions began.

According to "Anonymous Iskander", the Horde emirs from the inner circle of ^mur "tend to destroy Idiga"35. Further, "Anonymous Iskander" continues:

Between them (Amur and Idigu. - Yu.S.) enmity and bitterness arose, so that they fought (with each other) once or twice. Since the Uzbeks always had a desire to manifest the power of the descendants of Genghis Khan, they, some out of imitation and some out of respect, went to serve the court of Mur-Sultan, and he became strong36.

Edigei was forced to flee and took refuge in Khorezm in April-May 1411.37 For about six months, the troops of ^mur, led by emirs Gazan and Dekna, besieged him there. However, they failed to capture it. And soon the news was received about the death of Nomur and the accession of Jalal-ad-Din. Thus, Jalal-ad-Din's coming to power in the Horde must be attributed to November-December 1411. This conclusion is confirmed by the data of Russian chronicles38, as well as the data of the Arab author Ibn Arabshah39.

From the "Russian ulus" the Nizhny Novgorod princes were the first to arrive to the new khan. In the summer of 1412, they returned from the Horde "a grant from the king ... the Greater Horde by their fatherland." From the context of the narrative, it remains unclear whether the Grand Duchy of Nizhny Novgorod-Suzdal was restored, or whether they received only the cities of this principality as appanages. After the death of Jalal-ad-Din, the Moscow prince made a military campaign against Nizhny Novgorod and drove the Borisovichs out of the city (1415)40.

At the same time, in the summer (c. July 28) of 1412, “from the Horde from Tsar Zeleni-Saltan Tokhtamyshevich ... the ambassador fiercely appeared in Tver, calling with him the Grand Duke Ivan

31 Safargaliev M. G. The collapse of the Golden Horde. pp. 186-187.

32 PSRL. T. 11. S. 215.

33 SMOIZO. T. 2. S. 134.

34 SMOIZO. T. 1. S. 472-473.

35 SMOIZO. T. 2. S. 134.

36 Ibid. S. 134.

37 Ibid. S. 193.

38 PSRL. T. 11. S. 219.

39 SMOIZO. T. 1. S. 473; Golden Horde in the sources. S. 214.

40 Cherepnin L.V. Formation of the Russian centralized state in the XIV-XV centuries. M., 1960. S. 736; Gorsky A. A. The fate of the Nizhny Novgorod and Suzdal principalities at the end of the XIV - the middle of the XV century. // Medieval Russia. M., 2004. Issue. 4. S. 155.

Mikhailovich Tverskoy to the Horde"41. During the stay of the ambassador in the Tver principality, civil strife broke out. The Grand Duke ordered the arrest of his brother Vasily, Prince Kashinsky. However, the latter managed to escape and get to Moscow, from where he went to the Horde.

On August 1, 1412, the Grand Duke of Moscow and Vladimir Vasily I went to the Horde “with a lot of wealth and with all his nobles, and with him Prince Ivan Vasilyevich Yaroslavsty”42. It is known that in October (according to the Nikon Code)43 “on Dmitriev Days (October 26. - Yu. S.), the Great Prince Vasily Dmitrievich of Moscow left the Horde.” In November-December (according to the Tver Chronicle) 44 1412, Vasily Dmitrievich returned from the steppe "granted by the tsar", "and with him Prince Vasily Mikhailovich Kashinsky." The last one on December 24, 1412 "came ... to Kashin from the Tatars." However, the Tver outpost did not let him into the city, and he again went to the Horde.

The Grand Duke of Tverskoy Ivan Mikhailovich was not in the principality. On August 15, 1412, he went along the Volga "to the courts" to the headquarters of the great khan. He stayed there until the spring of 1413. The Nikon code notes that before his appearance at the court of the Horde Khan, Jalal-ad-Din was “shot by his brother Kerim-Berdiya”45. It is significant that the story about the Horde strife in the Nikon code is clearly of Tver origin: Jalal-ad-din is called "our evil enemy." When describing the trips of other princes to the Horde, the khan did not receive such epithets. Apparently, Jalal-ad-Din issued a label on Kashin to Vasily Mikhailovich. This fact caused the displeasure of the chronicler.

Thus, we can establish the approximate date of the death of Khan Jalal ad-Din. As can be seen from the description of the stay at the headquarters of the Khan of Moscow Prince Vasily I, the road from the steppe (and, therefore, to the steppe) took a little less than two months (the prince left the Horde after October 26, and arrived in Moscow before December 24). Ivan Mikhailovich left Tver on August 15 and was supposed to arrive at headquarters before October 15. The waiting time for an audience with the Horde Khan was about 25/26 days46. It can be assumed that Vasily I left immediately after receiving the new Khan Kerim-Berdi. He left the steppe on October 26 and, therefore, officially became the Khan of Kerim-Berdi until October 1 - from that time on he could issue labels for possessions. Around this time - at the end of September - Vasily I also arrived in the Horde, but Jalal-ad-Din was still alive. From the above data it follows that Khan Jalal-ad-Din was killed between September 20 and 30, 1412.

The rather short political activity of Jalal-ad-Din, recorded by sources, is limited to 1407-1412. - just six years old. However, being one of the main contenders for the Horde throne, and then the Khan of the Horde, Jalal ad-Din turned out to be an important participant in the international life of the region. Constant attempts to seize the throne required the search for foreign policy support. Such

41 PSRL. T. 11. S. 218.

42 Ibid. S. 219; M., 1965. T. 15. Stb. 486.

43 Ibid. T. 11. S. 219.

44 Ibid. T. 15. Stb. 486.

45 Ibid. T. 11. S. 219-220.

46 See, for example: Galicia-Volyn Chronicle / Prepared. text, trans. and comment. O. P. Likhacheva // BLDR. SPb., 2000. T. 5. S. 256; Golden Horde in the sources. pp. 92-93.

SottePagii

he found, first of all, at the ally of his father, Khan Toktamysh - the Grand Duke of Lithuania Vitovt. There is every reason to believe that Jalal-ad-Din also had a military-political agreement with Vitovt's son-in-law Vasily I Dmitrievich, Prince of Moscow and Vladimir. At the beginning of 1412, ambassadors of Sigismund, then the king of Hungary (1387-1437) and German (1410-1437), were sent to the court of Jalal-ad-Din with a proposal to join the anti-Ottoman league, which included Byzantium. This proposal was approved and received a positive response47.

"Anonymous of Iskander" calls him worthy, respected, handsome and eloquent, but careless. This carelessness led Jalal-ad-Din to death, and the death of the khan interrupted all his possible steps to strengthen power within the Horde and restore the foreign political power of the Jochi Ulus in the Eastern European region.

The story of Dzhelal-ad-dyne's political activity fixed in the sources is rather short: it was limited to only six years (1407-1412). However, he was one of the central pretenders on the Horde's throne, and then he became its khan. In such a way Dzhelal-ad-Dyne turned into an important participant of the region’s international life. His permanent attempts to seize power made him seek foreign support. He found such a support from his father's co-belligerent Vytautas, the grand duke of Lithuania. It is believed that Dzhelal-ad-Dyne had the military accommodation whith Vitautas’s son-in-law Vasily Dmitrievich, the Moscow and Vladimir prince. At the beginning of 1412 the ambassadors of Hungarian and German king arrived at Dzhelal-ad-Dyne’s court. They offered him to join anti-Ottoman coalition where Byzantium was one of the members. This offer was approved and the positive answer was received.

The main permanent enemy of Dzhelal-ad-Dyne was Edigei (Idigu), the powerful emir, talented commander and outstanding politician of that time. The treaty with Vytautas caused the participation of Dzhelal-ad-Dyne’s armies in the Grjunvald battle, the results of which changed the geopolitical situation in the region.

"Anonymous of Iskander" called him worthy, respected, beautiful and eloquent, but careless. This carelessness has led to Dzhelal-ad-Dyne’s death, and the death of the khan has interrupted all possible ways to the reinforcement of power in the Horde and to the restoration of the power of the Ulus of Dzhuchi in Eastern Europe.

47 Zaitsev I. V. Between Moscow and Istanbul. Jochid states, Moscow and the Ottoman Empire (beginning of the 15th - first half of the 16th centuries). M., 2004. S. 53.

“You will see the hidden meaning in couplets,
and enough"

Jalal ed-Din Rumi is the greatest Sufi poet who lived in the 13th century on the territory of Asia Minor. The nickname "Rumi" means "Asia Minor". The name means “glory of faith”. Grateful contemporaries called him Mevlana ("Our Lord"), considering Rumi their spiritual mentor.

“Jalal ed-Din Rumi was born in 1207 and by the age of 37 had become a brilliant scholar and popular teacher of the faith. But his life suddenly changed after meeting with a wandering dervish, Shams of Tabriz, about whom Rumi said: "What I used to consider divine, I met today in a human form." The emerging mystical friendship of these people led Rumi to unprecedented heights of spiritual enlightenment.
The sudden disappearance of Shams produced a spiritual metamorphosis in Rumi - the process of turning him from a scientist into an artist began and "his poetry soared to the sky."

Rumi's literary activity is not diverse, but very significant. Rumi does not have abstract phrases, hackneyed expressions. Each line is lived, suffered, deserved. Behind the external well-being of fate is a life full of inner search. In his poems, one can simultaneously hear the will of a powerful lord and the preaching of a hermit who renounced all earthly blessings, even his own name. (It is known that Rumi signed many works in the name of his teacher, Shans Tabrizi.)

There is a legend about how the writing of Mesnavi began. Khusam Celebi, Rumi's personal secretary and favorite student, had long begged Rumi to start writing down his poetic impromptu, one day, when the two of them were walking in Miram's gardens, Khusam resumed his persuasion. In response, Rumi took out the first 18 lines of the "Song of the Flute" from his turban. Thus began the 12-year collaboration between Rumi and Celebi on "Mesnavi" - Rumi dictated 6 volumes of this gigantic work to Husam.

"Mesnavi" (another name for this work is "Mesnavi-yi ma "navi" - "Couples about a hidden meaning" or "A poem about a hidden meaning") - the pinnacle of the poet's work, an essay conceived and implemented by him as a poetic (for ease of assimilation) guide for members of the informal fraternity he founded around 1240

This book has received universal recognition in the Muslim East and is often called the "Iranian Quran". In artistic terms, this is a brilliant encyclopedia of Iranian folklore of the Middle Ages. The strength of the poet lies in the fact that his ardent love for people, with their real sufferings, passions and joys, is manifested in an anti-orthodox mystical form. Rumi himself called his concept "worship of the Heart".

“Mesnavi” is a feeling of spiritual depth and intensity, intertwined complexity growing from Koranic verses, infinity and at the same time symmetry with a center in the transparent starry pool. In "Mesnavi" there are fantastic leaps from folklore to science, from humor to ecstatic poetry.

All of Rumi's poetry is a conversation inside and outside the mystical community of his students, "sokhbet" transcending space and time.

The poet died on December 17, 1272 in Konya and was buried there, escorted on his last journey by many people of all faiths - Muslims, Christians, Jews, Hindus, Buddhists, etc. - who expressed respect for the person who sang the "religion of the heart" .- unanimity all people of different tribes and religions.

After death, look for me not in the ground,
And in the hearts of enlightened people.

Today, like 700 years ago, Rumi's poetry is alive and relevant. People again and again turn to his works, looking for answers to eternal questions from the “guide to the country of Truth”. Rumi's words were truly prophetic:

On the day I die, don't you wring your hands
Do not cry, do not repeat about separation!
That is not parting, but goodbye day.
The luminary has set, but will rise.
The grain fell into the ground - it will germinate!

It is no accident that Rumi is called “a mentor with a radiant heart, leading a caravan of love” (Jami). Everyone will find answers to their questions in his poems. Its lines are both a route map and a reminder to the traveler.

The Lord has placed a ladder at our feet.
You have to go step by step
her and go up to the roof.
You don't have to be a fatalist here.
You have legs, why pretend to be lame?
You have hands, why hide your fingers?
When the master gives the slave a shovel,
Without words it is clear what he wants.

***

You are looking for knowledge in books - what an absurdity!
You seek pleasure in sweets - what an absurdity!
You are the sea of ​​comprehension, hidden in a drop of dew,
You are the universe lurking in a body one and a half meters long.

* * *

My friend! Is your grain ripe? Who are you?
Slave of food and wine or - a knight on the battlefield?

* * *

Where are the ruins
There is hope to find a treasure -
So why don't you seek God's treasure
In a broken heart?

***

Come again, please come again.
Whoever you are
Believers, unbelievers, heretics or pagans.
Even if you already promised a hundred times
And a hundred times broke the promise
This door is not the door of hopelessness and discouragement.
This door is open to everyone
Come, come as you are.

Sources:
1. Colman Barks. Essence of Rumi
2. Dmitry Zubov "Window between heart and heart". Jalaladdin Rumi

SIRAT AS-SULTAN JALAL AD-DIN MANKBURNY

EXTRACT FROM "SIRAT AS-SULTAN JELAL-AD-DIN MENKUBERTI" BY MUHAMMED AN-NESEVI,

by O. Houdas (En-Nesawi. Histoire du Sultan Djelal ed-din Mankobirti. Paris, 1891-1895)

|22 | * North Khorasan at the beginning of the 13th century.

And from them (the actions of Khorezmshah Mohammed before the campaign against Iraq in 1217) that when he decided to go to Iraq, he wanted to clear Maverannahr from people in whom denial under the guise of recognition and fire under the ashes remained. (And so) he sent the melik Taj-ad-din Bilge-khan, the ruler of Otrar, to the city of Nesu to live there.

[The following is the story of this Bilge Khan, the first of the Qara-Khitays (i.e., vassals of Gurgan), who went over to the side of Sultan Muhammad. ( Compare: Turkestan, p. 391) The Sultan gave him preference and respect] until a campaign against Iraq appeared before him (Sultan Muhammad), and then he decided to liberate Maverannahr from him (Bilge Khan) and sent him to Nesa to live there. The reason that he sent him to Nesa, and to other cities, was that she (Nesa) was heavily infected (with epidemics), it was very hot and there were many diseases, people there constantly complained, and those who had lost loved ones constantly cry there; A Turk can live there only for the shortest time and the hardest life. And the mentioned (Bilge Khan) lived there for a year or more, undergoing changes of fate and repelling the blows of fate. Over time, the nobility of his properties increased and the scope of his hands doubled in | | 23 | generosity. Everyone who came to him with a greeting was blessed by him. And its climate (Nesa) and its water turned out to be uncommonly suitable for him (Bilge Khan), so that he became even healthier and more beautiful. The hearts of noble and ordinary people of her (Nesa) were struck with love, and each of them was filled with sincere affection for him.

The Sultan found out about this and realized that he would not soon achieve what he wanted from him (Vilge Khan), otherwise, as by removing the veils of loyalty and putting on the chain mail of cruelty. He sent to him one who cut off the top of his trunk and made his eyes cry bloody tears over him. The one who was present at this shameful disaster told me: “We were sitting at Zahir-ad-din Mas" ud ibn al-Munavvar ash-Shashi, the vizier of the Sultan in Nes, and then someone came to him and said that he had arrived with few people Jehan-pahlavan, and this is Iyaz-tashtdar, who rose from the duty of serving the pelvis to the advantages of the rank of melik and became the commander of 10,000 horsemen; he was specially appointed to cut off heads and separate souls (from bodies). he was horrified that he heard about his arrival. He thought that the trouble (came precisely) to him, and there were no signs of life left in him, except for weak breathing, which almost stopped. He was informed that the newcomer had stopped in the government house and said, "Bring Zahirai the nobles." Zahir went to him and, due to the weakness of his fingers, could hardly take the reins. He arrived, and Jehan-lekhlevan handed him the decree. When he finished reading it, he came to his senses. They asked melik Taj-ad-din Bilgekhan to appear because of an important matter received from the Sultan's court, for which his presence is necessary. He arrived with a group of his close associates, and he was led into one of the storerooms. And then one of the villains (Runud) came out, and in his hand was his head (Bilge Khan). Jehan-pahlavan put it in a horse bag and immediately set off back. Oh, what is this insidious world that does not mourn the murdered and does not allow to speak (about him), woe to the people who love him (the world), although they do not benefit from it. From his treasury, precious stones of unheard-of beauty and quantity were transported to the Sultan's treasury.

|24 | B of them (the actions of the Sultan) is that he sent the sheikh-al-Islams of Samarkand, Jalal-ad-din, his son Shems-ad-din and his brother Avkhad-ad-din, to Nesa to protect himself from their uprising and put out their fire. And they | 25 | were the leaders of the earth by outstanding learning and leadership in teaching excellent sciences; Awhad-ad-din was a miracle in the science of dialectics, he could compete with al-Amidi and tear his sheet of evidence, he could dispute the glory of an-Nisaburi and refute his arguments. As for Avhat-ad-din, he died in Nes as an exile and did not find his share in the help of fate. And Jalal-ad-din, the eldest (brother), moved after the death of Avkhad-ad-din to Dihistan, appealed to Amin-ad-din ad-Dikhistani, his vizier (of Dihistan) and Mazanderan on behalf of the Sultan, and was at he was held in high esteem until the end of the century during the death of the inhabitants of the cities during the performance of the Tatars and their distribution to other cities. I do not know what was the end of his case - whether the situation became difficult for him, or a hand (help) was extended for him, destruction pushed him back, or superiority pushed forward.

|30 | Description of the fate of Nizam-al-Mulk after his resignation

(Nizam-al-mulk Muhammad ibn Salih - vizier of Khorezmshah Muhammad, deposed in 1218 (Turkestan, p. 407)

He left Nishapur for Khorezm, winding down passages as if he were folding a scroll of a book, pleased that he managed to return. When he reached Marj Saiga (***), one of the famous pastures near the fortress of Harandiz (***) the place where I bowed my head and where my foundation was laid, (T. e. homeland and place of residence of the author) I came, according to custom, to his services on behalf of my father with gifts and supplies. I accompanied him to a stop in Jarman (***), and this estate is from our possessions (dai "atun min amlakina), it has a source similar to the source from which the (river) Khabur flows. I pitched for him near this source three tents [Then the further history of Nizam-al-mulk is given.]

* Yazyr

|39 | [Turkan Khatun ( Turkan-khatun is the mother of Khorezmshah Muhammad (whom Nesevi calls Sultan), who enjoyed great influence and actually ruled Khorezm (Turkestan, pp. 407-408, etc.). For her flight from Khorezm, see: Turkestan, pp. 463-464. - V. V. Bartold. Essay on the history of the Turkmen people, p. 37) left Khorezm at the end of 616 = III-IV 1219] took with her Omar Khan, the son of the ruler of Yazyr, and he was taken because he knew the roads leading to his country. The one mentioned (Omar Khan) was nicknamed Sabur Khan; the reason that he was nicknamed Sabur Khan is that his brother Hindu Khan, when he received power, ordered to blind him. The one to whom blinding was entrusted took pity on him, taking pity on his sight. The mentioned (Omar Khan) pretended to be blind for eleven years, until Hindu Khan died and Turkan Khatun took possession of the Yazyr region, based on the fact that Hindu Khan was married to a woman from her tribe and from her relatives. Then Omar Khan opened his eyes and went to the court of the Sultan, hoping for approval in possession. But he did not succeed in what he hoped for, and he only received the nickname Sabur Khan. And so the mentioned (Omar Khan) left Khorezm, being in her (Turkan-Khatun) service, and with her, besides him, there was no one on whom she could rely to avert misfortune, destroy disaster or repel a formidable attack . And he served her at that time in the most faithful manner; when she approached the limits of Yazyr, she was afraid that he would leave her, and ordered “to blow his head. And he was killed bound and ruined by deceit. She went with the people of the harem and treasures with her, arrived at the fortress of Ilal (***), one of the main fortresses of Mazanderan, and remained there, | 40 | until the Tatars finished with the expulsion of the Sultan (Mohammed) and until he was forced to seek refuge on the island on which he died, as we will explain (further), if Allah wills. Ilal was under siege for 4 months, and a wall was built around it, and gates were built in the wall, which were locked at night and opened during the day, and this is their (Tatars) custom during the siege of impregnable fortresses until they are constrained by the siege. And from the rare and amazing things, that this fortress, one of the fortresses of Mazanderan, in which constant rains, a lot of precipitation, the sky rarely clears up and the rains do not stop, was taken by thirst. Allah Almighty predestined that during the siege the sky should be clear. This forced her (Turkan-khatun) to ask (for mercy), she was promised, she left (from the fortress), and with her the displaced vizier Muhammad ibn Salih. They say that while she was leaving the fortress, a stream poured out of the gate, and on the same day the tanks were filled with the mysterious (permission) of Allah, who could destroy buildings and erect others. Truly in this is a reminder for the intelligent.

* Mongols in northern Khorasan

|49 | [The departure from Khorezm to Nesu Shihab-ad-din al-Khivaki is described]. ( Shihab-ad-din al-Khivaki - a famous faqih in Khorezm and an approximate Khorezmshah Muhammad (Turkestan, pp. 375, 404, 435, 436, 463). When the mentioned (Shihab-ad-din) arrived in Nesa and with him a lot of people from the inhabitants of Khorezm, he stopped there and began to wait for new news about the Sultan (Muhammad) to come to his services. And then came the news of his arrival in Nishapur and his immediate departure from there. | 50 | Shihab-ad-din was confused and did not know what to do; his case eluded him, and the plan of action became doubtful for him. (So ​​it was) until Beha-ad-din Muhammad ibn Sahl arrived, ( Further, he is also called Ibn Abu Sahl.) one of the emirs of Nesa, and said that when the Sultan (Mohammed) fled, he ordered him to go to Nesa and warn the people, saying: “This enemy is not like the rest of the troops; the best plan of action is to cleanse the country and retire for a while to the deserts and mountains, until they (the Tatars) exterminate so many that they saturate their eyes and hands, and leave, and the people will be saved from the sudden kicks of their (tatad) yogis. Then, if the population of Nesa is able to restore their fortress, which the Sultan had previously destroyed, then we allow them to rebuild it and fortify themselves in it. Sultan Tekesh tried several times to take possession of her (Nesoy), but could not (take) her; when he despaired of the opportunity to take possession of it for himself, he made peace with its owner, Imad-ad-din Muhammad ibn Omar ibn Hamza, brought him under the yoke of obedience to him and took him with him when conquering the rest of the cities of Khorasan, close and distant from her (Nesa), and he did not leave a single resisting city among them. Imad-ad-din died a year or less after Tekesh, a. his eldest son and heir, Nasir ad-din Sa'id, died 6 months after the death of his parent. It was said that he sent someone to his parent who gave him deadly poison to drink, but could not enjoy power for a long time after him Then the sultan sent to Nessa and transported his younger children and treasures to Khorezm. They (the children of Imad-ad-diya) remained there in captivity until the appearance of the Tatars, and (then) they escaped, how - we will tell (after) .. Sultan when he took Nessa from them, he ordered her fortress to be destroyed to the ground, she was dug up, her area was dug up with shovels, so that all her land was leveled and sowing was done on the foam as a sign of contempt. Its peculiarities (was that) that it was very large and accommodated a lot of people, there was no one from the population of the city, whether he was rich or poor, who would not have a house in it.In the middle of it was built another (fortress ), for the rulers, above that one, and water flowed from it to that one below it; in the one below, water appeared only at a depth of 70 cubits. The reason for this, they say, is that the upper (fortress) was a mountain in which there was a source of water, and the one below was collected from earth brought to it | 51 | foot. When Nessa at the time of Hystaspes, ( Hystaspes - the mythical king of Iran, whose name is probably associated with the name of the historical father Darius I) donating the Persians, became a border fortress, delaying (enemies), and a border blocking access, between the Turks and Persians, the inhabitants of that country were forced to collect this land at the foot of the mountain, and the fortress increased. So, when they heard what Beha-ad-din Muhammad ibn Abu-Sahl conveyed on behalf of the Sultan, they preferred the restoration of the fortress to leaving (from the city). The vizier Zahir-ad-din Mas'ud ibn al-Munawwar ash-Shashi began to build it by forced labor (suhra) ( The term "suhra" *** is rare. It is always used in the sense of forced labor, duty, which is imposed by the power of the ruler on the working population of the village and city. Wed this term in at-Tabari, II. page 874) and others (methods). He built a wall around it, like the walls of gardens, and the people closed themselves in the pen. And with them were Shihab-ad-din Abu-Sa "d ibn Omar al-Khivaki and several people from the inhabitants of Khorezm. When the emir of Taj-ad-diya Muhammad ibn Sa" id, his maternal uncle was emir Izz-ad-din Keykhosrau and several emirs of Khorasan learned about the stay of the mentioned (Shihab-ad-din) there, they wanted to go to him and stay around him for days of trial, so that this would be a savings useful to them before the Sultan, and a veil that protects them from the machinations of the children of time . And it happened that Genghis Khan allocated (for a campaign) to Khorasan his son-in-law Toguchar Noyon ( Edition: Tifjar. Noyon is a Mongolian title corresponding to the Turkic "bek" (biy); it was worn by military leaders and large feudal lords) and an emir from his leaders named Burka-noyon ( In edition: Yerke; compare: Turkestan, p. 457) with 10,000 horsemen, so that they robbed and burned it, sucked out the marrow of the bones and blood lived it and left the remains and corpses. A separate detachment of them, led by the emir, known by the name of El-Kush, reached Nesa. The inhabitants of (Nesa) met them with shooting (from a bow); one arrow hit El-Kush in the chest and he fell dead. They (Tatars) were angry with the inhabitants of Nesa for this and began to besiege it earlier than other cities of Khorasan. They moved on it with all kinds (troops), as numerous as the black night. They besieged her fortress (Nesa) for 15 days, not weakening the battle day or night. Against her, 20 catapults (madzhanik) were installed, which were pulled by infantrymen (rajala), ( The use of prisoners and, in general, residents of the conquered regions, both for siege work and as advanced detachments that served as a barrier for the Mongols, was common in the military practice of the latter. In Persian sources, they are mainly called hashar. See below, in Juvaini, p. 486 ff. Here the term "unclenched" should not be understood in the sense of a regular army, namely in the indicated sense - hashar; cf. at the same Nesev below, p. 474) collected from the regions of Khorasan. And they (Tatars) drove the prisoners under cover - tents like rams (jamalup), ( The exact meaning of the word *** is unknown, originally - the back of a donkey) made of wood and covered with skins - and if they returned without delivering them to the wall, their heads would be cut off. They did this until they made a hole in it (the wall), which (it was impossible) to close up, then all the Tatars put on their combat chain mail and attacked it (the fortress) at night, took possession of the wall and settled down on it, and the people (residents of Nesa) hid in their homes.. When the day came, they (the Tatars) went down to them from the steppe and poked them on a field behind the gardens, called .... ( Unreadable) like a flock of sheep driven by shepherds. Tatars did not stretch their hands to booty and robbery, | 52 | until they were gathered in this vast field with children and women; screams tore the veils of the heavens, and screams filled the air. Then they ordered the people to bind each other, and they helplessly did it, and if they had not done this, they would have fled, trying to escape, and would have fled without a fight - and the mountains are close - in this case, most of them were saved would. When they were bound, they (the Tatars) came to them with bows, threw them to the ground and fed them to the beasts of the earth and the birds of the air. (How much was) spilled blood, torn clothes, ( i.e. raped women) children killed and abandoned at the breast of their mothers. The number of those killed from her (Nesa) population, from those who hid in the pei, from visitors and peasants (rai "a) of her district, was, according to someone, 70,000, and this is only one district from the districts of Khorasan. And Shihab-ad-din al-Khivaki and his son, the excellent seyyid Taj-ad-din, were brought bound to Toguchar-noyon and Burka, and chests with his (Shihab-ad-din) treasures were brought; they (the Tatars) emptied them before them, so that the gold separated it from them. They were killed as martyrs, and he (Shihab-ad-din) is now buried in Nes, in a tomb (mazar) called Mil Jaffna (***).

A brief description of part of what happened in Khorasan after the (flight) of the Sultan, and there is no need for a detailed (description), since the events are similar to each other and there was nothing but a general beating and destruction. When the Sultan fled to Iraq, leaving without supervision what was behind him from the districts of Khorasan, and Jebe Noyon followed him in pursuit ( Publisher: Yeme Noyan) and Subutai Behadur, ( Jebe-noyoi and Subutai (Subadai)-behadur were sent by Genghis Khan in pursuit of the Khorezmshah Muhammad and on the way back through the Caucasus they defeated Russian and Polovtsian troops at Kalka) when the cursed Toguchar and Burka crossed the river (Jeyhun) to Khorasan and what we described happened in Nes, they (the Tatars divided into Khorasan localities, formed detachments and dispersed into particles. When a thousand horsemen attacked some area of ​​​​his (Khorasan), they gathered foot soldiers from her villages, moved with them to the (central) city, installed siege engines with their help and made breaches (in the walls) until they took possession of it (the city). fire or dweller in the house.Fear seized the souls, so that he who was in captivity were | 53 | calmer in heart than the one who sat in his house, waiting for events. At that time I was in my fortress, known as Harandiz, and she is from the main fortresses of Khorasan; I do not know which of my ancestors first owned it, the stories about it contradict each other depending on the inclination (of the narrators), but I can only tell the authentic. It is believed that it has been in their hands since Islam arose and dawned in Khorasan, and Allah knows best. And so, when the world raged in turmoil, it (the fortress) became a place where the captives fled, and a refuge for those who were afraid, since it is located in the center of the country and inhabited locally (People) who had servants and the most famous of the rich fled there barefoot and naked, and as far as possible I covered their nakedness and assisted them in what befell them, then brought them to those of their families whom the swords had passed. They (Tatars) did this until they captured Khorasan to the very end. A man named Khabash ran over to them ( Khabash-amid, close associate of Chagatai, son of Genghis Khan; about it see: W. Barthold, Caghatai, EI) from Kahij (***), and this is one of the estates (give "a) of Ustuva Khabushan; he was a sarkhang, and for the sake of ridicule and mockery they called him a melik, made him a commander over the apostates and entrusted him with the installation of siege machines and the management of foot soldiers "People suffered terrible calamities from him, unbearable humiliation and torment sent down by heaven. He began to take insidious actions and write to the rais of estates (ruusa ad diya '), and the estates of Khorasan had walls, ditches and cathedral mosques, their rais had power. He ordered one of them to come himself along with his subjects (paradise "at), with hoes, shovels and what he could (gather) from bows and siege weapons. If he did this, then Khabash besieged one of the cities with them, they took possession of it and shed cruelty of torment on them (the inhabitants); if he neglected this (order) and dissuaded, then he (Khabash) went to him, besieged him, brought him and those who were with him, put them to the sword and sent them along the path of death. They (the Tatars) postponed the siege of Nishapur until they had finished with the destruction of the rest of the districts, which were considered subordinate to him, and there were more than 20 cities. Then they all went to Nishapur to give its inhabitants a taste of the disasters from them, and those of them who were in the localities in the form of separate detachments gathered to him | 54 | Khorasan. When they approached him, his inhabitants came out and attacked them, an arrow hit the cursed Toguchar in the chest, took over the place of his soul and protected people from his anger, he went into the blazing fire of Allah, which gets to the very hearts. Seeing the superiority of the people, the Tatars realized that it (Nishapur) could be taken only if reinforcements arrived. They left him and wrote to Genghis Khan, asking him for reinforcements and help, and he sent Kaiku-noyon, Kadbuk-noyon, Tulun-cherbi and several other emirs with 60,000 horsemen to reinforce them. They came to him (Nishapur) and surrounded him at the end of 618 (= end of 1221). This was after the departure of Jalal-ad-din to India. When they approached him, they stopped to the east of him in the village of Nushajan (***). abounding with trees and water and (remained there) until they replenished what they lacked from turtles (mattress), movable towers (dabbaba), catapults (majanik) and battering rams (jamalun). ( The following terms are in the original: *** *** *** - the exact meaning of each of these terms in the scientific literature, as far as is known, has not been established) Then they rushed towards it, and that day they set up 200 fully armed siege engines and fired from them. After 3 days they took possession of it and annexed it to the rest of the cities, so that it became like the others. A stream passed through him, and misfortune seized him, and they began to cry over him day and night. Then. they (the Tatars) ordered the prisoners to level it with shovels, so that there was flat ground, without clods and stones, the horsemen could not be afraid to stumble there, playing balls. Most of its population died underground, as they built cellars and underground passages for themselves, thinking that they would protect them. When Jalal-ad-din came from India, as will be explained later, and took possession of the region of Khorasan and the adjacent (places) of Iraq and Mazanderan in their ruined (state), digging out treasures was farmed out for 3000 dinars a year, and sometimes the farmer assumed such an amount and found so much in one day, since the property remained buried in the cellars along with their owners. This example applies to the rest of the cities of Khorasan, Khorezm, Iraq, Mazanderan, Azerbaijan, Gur, Ghazna, Bamiyan and Sejestan up to the borders of India; if I were to describe them separately, only the names of the besieger and the besieged would change; thus there is no need to be verbose on this.

|58 | [Nizam-ad-din as-Sam"ani wanted to hide in some fortress], arrived in the Harandiz fortress and stayed there for 2 months. Despite his nobility and high position, he preached several times in the fortress because of the fire, (raging) in his soul, and the fluctuation of his hopes.Maybe, if he had been instructed to preach sermons in Khorezm, when the people were (ordinary) people and time - ordinary time, he would have refused it.When he mentioned in his sermon Sultan, he could not help crying, he began to sob, and the listeners also began to cry and utter screams.

When the Tatars captured Nessa, and she was the first of the cities of Khorasan that they captured, and he (Nizam-ad-din) found out about the murder of Imam Shihab-ad-din al-Khivaki there, fear overtook him, and horror and cowardice seized him . He went around the fortifications of the fortress with me and showed them the places where even ants would slip if they climbed, and where birds could not climb if they flew, and said: “The Tatars will rise from here.” It so happened that Nachin-noyon, one of the nobles of the tyrant (Genghis Khan), reached the fortress on the third day after they took Nesa and stopped on the only side where it was possible to go down (from the fortress). As soon as Nizam-ad-din saw this, his patience left him and terror seized him, he began to insist that I lead him through the mountains on some safe side with his retinue, mounts, slaves and things. I did this with hidden disapproval, even with obvious disapproval, and was surprised at the fear into which the pillars and nobles of the state fell. At the same time, they did not believe that any fortress could protect them or that any force could repel and drive away (the enemy). We will ask Allah not to leave us without help. The mentioned (Nizam-ad-din) descended (from the fortress) over the mountains from their western side, and the Tatars stood on the eastern side. When they descended from above (the fortress) onto a hill that cannot be walked on, they rolled to the very foot of the hill and several of their mounts were smashed. The mentioned (Nizam-ad-din) arrived in Khorezm, while there were the sons of the Sultan returning from the island, and sent me a letter from Ozlag Shah, ( Qutb-ad-din Ozlag-shah - son of Khorezmshah Muhammad) (granting) large lands. So, when the accursed Nachin-noyon saw that this fortress, like an eagle of air, that there was neither access nor attack to it, he sent an ambassador and made demands. He demanded 10,000 cubits of cloth and a few other low things; (this is because of) the baseness imprinted in his nature and branded on him with fire, or rather with shame; he did not have enough clothes, which he captured from the inhabitants of Nesa. I agreed to what he demanded in order to turn away | 59 | it is the lesser evil (evil). When the matter was collected, none of the (inhabitants) of the fortress could dare to take it to them, since they knew that they kill anyone who deals with them, even if it was an ambassador or fulfilling (their) demand. Finally, two decrepit old men from the inhabitants of the fortress agreed to this, sacrificing themselves; they brought their children and bequeathed to take care of them and do good to them if they were killed. This (matter) was attributed to the accursed, he accepted it, killed the old people and left. Then he began to raid her (Nesa) district and drove so many cattle that they filled the valleys and the plains became cramped for him .., ( The words are so garbled they can't be understood) It is surprising that while Khorasan was filled with murders, and the said fortress differed from other places in that it survived from their raids and escaped from their revenge, a plague appeared in it and put to death many of its inhabitants. One day, so many funeral processions came out of it (the fortress) that they overtook one another. The angel of death delivered them from the torments of the siege; Praise be to the one who chose (destiny) of creations - death. The author (poetry) said well:

He who does not die by the sword will die otherwise
The reasons vary, but the trouble is the same.

Description of the departure of Jalal-ad-din from Khorezm and its reasons

(Jalal-ad-din Menkuberti - the son of Khorezmshah Muhammad - after the death of his father (617=1220) returned to Khorezm, then resisted the Mongols in Khorasan and India; later took possession of most of Iran, but was again defeated by the Mongols and killed in 1220 (= 1230/31; g)

When Jalal-ad-din learned that his brother Ozlag Shah and those who from the emirs conspired with him to seize him and decided to destroy him, he rode out on horseback with 300 horsemen led by Damar-melik and crossed the inaccessible desert between Khorezm and Khorasan in a few days, but usually they pass in 16 day's passages due to the fact that they interrupt their journey and (make) the usual transitions and stops. He came out of it (desert) | 60 | to the district of Nesa. And Genghis Khan, when he learned about the return of the sons of the Sultan to Khorezm, sent a large army there and ordered his troops in Khorasan to scatter along the border of this desert and guard. They arranged a ring along the mentioned desert from the borders of Merv to the border of Shahrastan, and this is one of the regions of Ferava, in order to seize the sons of the Sultan, when they, ousted from Khorezm, decide to leave for Khorasan. On the border of the desert, at Nesa, there were 700 horsemen from them (Mongols), and people did not know the reason for their being there until Jalal-ad-din came out of the desert. He fought with them, and both sides reached the highest limit possible in the combat of opponents, in hand-to-hand combat and fighting with spears. (The battle) ended in the defeat of the Tatars, they abandoned their booty, their weapons, equipment and food, and only a few cowards escaped from them, who fled in fear and froze. This is the first Muslim sword, stained with their blood and played with their bodies cut into pieces. Jalal-ad-din told me after his rise and the strengthening of his power: “If it weren’t for the fact that they, that is, the Tatars, abandoned the districts of Nesa, and not that they helped us with the horses that they had, then we wouldn’t would have been able to reach Nishapur because of the weakness of our mines, on which we crossed the desert. And part of the Tatars rushed into the underground channels of the district, when it became difficult for them to run, and swords and spears appeared before them; the peasants (fellah) brought them out and drove them into the city, and (there) they cut off their heads. At that time, I was in Ness in the Service of Emir Ikhtiyar-ad-Din Zengi ibn Muhammad ibn Hamza, and the latter did not know what had happened to the Tatars. And so the mentioned (emir) received a letter from rais Juvanmend (***), - and this is one of the villages of Nesa, - in which he wrote: “This afternoon a cavalry came to us, including 300 people with black banners; they claimed that Jalal-ad-din was among them and that they exterminated the Tatars who were in Nes. We did not believe them until one of them came close to the wall and said: “You are sorry for this caution of yours, and the Sultan is grateful to you for it; give us food and feed for the horses as much as we need to satisfy our hunger and what will help us to leave; (otherwise) you will find out the situation later and regret it." He (rais) continued: "And so we gave them what they needed, and they left after a while." The owner of Nesa was convinced that the one who attacked the Tatars located in Nes was Jalal ad-din | 61 | and sent one of his attendants with horses and laden mules, as a sign of service, but (he) did not catch up with him. Jalal-ad-din went to Nishapur, and the one who went with horses and mules remained in the fortress of Harandiz until they arrived, three days after him, Ozlag Shah and Ak Shah ( Ak-shah, he is also Ak-sultan, brother of Jalal-ad-din Menkuberti) with those who fled from the Tatars, and he provided them (horses and mules) to them. Jalal ad-din, however, arrived in Nishapur as a winner and educated in what Allah helped him in - the fact that his sword was stained with the blood of the infidels.

[The flight of Qutb-ad-din Ozlag-shah from Khorezm following Jalal-addin.] He (Qutb-ad-din) arrived in Marj Saig, and the ambassador of Nesa appeared to him with horses intended as a gift from Jalal-ad- dinu; they, despite their insignificance and a small number, were received with gratitude, and for this he assigned to the ruler of Nessa some areas beyond the area that was in his hands. The owner of Nesa was very happy, since he was pleased that he was alone in safety because of his return to Nesa during the time of the Tatars and that he regained his hereditary possession without objection from anyone and without an order from the Sultan, on | 62 | which could be based and justified. [Then follows a description of the further flight of Ozlag Shah and Ak Shah. and their deaths.]

|64 | [Jalal-ad-din from Nishapur sent out letters about preparing resistance to the Tatars.] But Ihtiyar-ad-din Zengi ibn Muhammad ibn Hamza had returned to Nesa before that, took possession of the right taken from him and returned to himself the robbed inheritance. Despite the fact that he was sure of the death of the Sultan, he did not dare to declare himself independent. Diplomas (tavka") and berats, ( Berats - appropriations for receiving amounts from tax dues ( V. V. Bartold. Persian inscription on the wall of the Ani Mosque Manuche, p. 26, approx. one) that were written, he signed with the signatures of those who succeeded the Sultan (Muhammad) in Nes before the Tatars took possession of it. (He | 64 | did so) until he received a letter from Jalal-ad-din with his approval in what his hands managed to take possession of; return (of what was taken away) and a promise to add if he (Jalal-ad-din) sees a better service from him. And the forms again became Ichthyar.

|65 | Bedr-ad-din Inanj Khan was one of the greatest emirs of the Sultan, one of his hajibs, (one of) the main leaders and nobles. The Sultan appointed him among those whom he appointed in Bukhara, as already described; then, when the Tatars captured it (Bukhara), fear drove him into the desert adjacent to Nes, with a small detachment of his (own) people and others. He was where those who seek places for camping do not dare to go, and those who go to a watering hole are not seen, where there is neither water nor food. When Ikhtiyar-ad-din Zengi, the ruler of Nesa, heard that he was there out of fear, he wished to supply him so that it would be for himself a supply useful to the Sultan, and a veil separating him from those who dispute his hereditary right. He sent a (letter) to him, congratulating him on his well-being and promising him all that he could from gifts so that he would place the staff of stay near him. (He did this) because he knew about his (Bedr ad-din) high place and inaccessible position and | 66 | hoped to take advantage of his favorable speeches and expected power. And he (Khtiyar) said: "If the reason for moving into the desert is the fear of a surprise attack by the Tatars, then we do not lose sight of where they stop and where they go." The mentioned (Inanj Khan) went to Nesa, and Ikhtiyar-ad-din helped him with what was possible from weapons, mounts, clothes, supplies and food, so that his situation improved and his disorder stopped. Abu-l-Fatkh, rais of Nashdzhuvan (***), and this is one of the main villages of Nesa, which has a cultivated area, a wall, a moat and towers (bashur), was on the side of the Tatars and corresponded with them; he informed (Tatars), when the troops stationed in Khorezm died, that Inanj Khan was in Nes, and conspired with its owner. An army was sent to him to pursue Inanj Khan and capture him. When (the detachment) arrived in Nashjuvan, the rais gave it to them (the guide), who showed them the way to Inanj Khan. And he (Inanj Khan) was close to him, and during his stay in Nes and its environs, all those of the troops of the Sultan who retired to some corner and were exhausted in some place joined him. He lined up (in battle order) against the enemy and excited the faithful to fight. And I participated in this battle, happy in the superiority of those who fight for the faith over those sitting at home, since I accompanied him, replacing the ruler of Nesa in assisting his aspirations and fulfilling his requirements, so that he would not need what necessity would force him to turn to. And I saw how Inanj Khan (made) in battle such that if Rustem had seen it in his time, he would have been struck by his handling of the bridle and taught would his skill with sword and spear. When a fight broke out, he himself plunged into its abyss, hit with both hands and cut chain mail in half. The Tatars attacked him twice, and he strongly resisted them. And now the air was deafened by the grinding of iron on iron, the swords quenched the thirst of their breasts at the watering place of the carotid artery. Inanj Khan's sword was shattered when the coal of battle flared up and the flames of battle intensified, his horse fell under him; they brought him a spare horse and gave him some kind of sword. His companions freed him from the soldiers surrounding him and the mixing of ranks. When he jumped on the back of his horse, he attacked them in such a way that this attack made the decision of the battle and the end of the battle. The defeated (Tatars) showed the rear and turned back in helplessness, thinking that flight would save them from persecution and protect them from death ( The satisfaction of their death became alive in him, and the rage died). Where to? After all, behind them are horses with long necks, and in front of them is a waterless desert. | 67 | Inanj pursued the defeated to Nashjuvan, intoxicated with their extermination, thirsting for their blood. All that day he cut their behinds with his sword and took their lives, chasing them into every hole and pulling them out from where they fled.

At the end of the day, he reached Nashjuvan, and a group of them (Tatars), pieces, (ground) with a millstone of battle, retired there; they stood at the gates of it (Nashjuvan) and called Abu-l-Fatha. Abu-l-Fath, however, refused (let them in) after blackening his face with the ointment of apostasy and dressing himself in order to lose both worlds (this and the future), in the clothes of apostasy (from Islam). When they saw the intensification of the pursuit, they began to rush into the water, and Inanj Khan with those who arrived with him from the fastest horsemen, stood and poured rain (arrows) from a cloud of bows on them until they drowned and fell into hell . When he (Inanj Khan) returned to his camp with a victorious banner and glory reaching the equator, he sent an ambassador to the ruler of Nesa with the joyful news that Allah helped him (achieve) what he wanted and sent his arrows straight to the target. He sent with him (the ambassador) 10 Tatar horses as a gift and 10 captives and ordered him (Ikhtiyar) to besiege Nashjuvan and clear it of Abu-l-Fath. He laid siege to it, took it, and Abu-l-Fath died in a vice. (Instrument of torture) He lost (thus) both this life and the future, and this is a clear loss. Inanj Khan went towards Abiverd, reverence for him in the souls became great; he took the kharaj from Abiverd, and no one began to argue (with him about this). There, the leaders of the Sultan's troops came to him, who were thrown hither and thither by the vicissitudes of fate, concealed | 68 | gorges and valleys, such as: Iltaj-melik, Tegin-melik, Bakshan Jen-kashi, ( The readings of all these names are doubtful) Kejidek-amirahur, Amiya-ad-din Rafik, a servant (khadim) and several others. He returned to Nesa, and his troops increased, his supporters and troops multiplied. His arrival there coincided with the departure along his path (i.e., death) Ikhtiyar-ad-din Zengi; he (Inanj Khan) demanded from his successor that he grant him the kharaj of 618 (= 1221) as an allowance for feeding those who joined him from the troops of the Sultan. He agreed to this, voluntarily or out of fear; he (Inanj Khan) collected it (kharaj) and distributed it to them (the troops). From there he went to Sabzevar from the district of Nishapur, and there (was) Ilchi-pahlavan, who took possession of it. He (Inanj Khan) wanted to take possession of it (Sabzevar), and they met outside of it (the city). The battle ended with the flight of Ilchi-pahlavan; his flight led him to Jalal-ad-din, who then (was) in the depths of India. (As a result of this) the courage of Inanj Khan increased, and his importance spread to all the remotest places of Khorasan and all other places (surviving) from the turmoil. Then Kuch-tegin-pahlavan, who was in Merv and captured the remnants of it, which fate spared, crossed the Jeyhun to Bukhara, attacked a detachment of Tatars stationed in it there, and killed him; he set in motion (by this) the calamity that was at rest, and set fire to the extinguished malice. They, in the number of 10,000 horsemen, pursued him and put him to flight; his flight led him to Sabzevar, where Ikenku, the son of Ilchi-pahlavan, was. They both abandoned him (Sabzevar) and decided to go to Dzhurjan and join Inanj Khan, who at that time was under him (Dzhurdzhan). They went to him, and the Tatars were chasing them, they (both) hesitated between (the desire) to fight and flight, and changed the course (of their horses) from a walk to a trot. They found him (Inanj-khan) in al-Khalka (***), and this is an open place between Jurjan and Astrabad, large enough for battle and battle; the Tatars arrived two days after them, and both sides lined up against each other. Then the furnace (battle) flared up and the leaders and the rank and file mixed up; swords were visible, taking out brains from skulls, and spears, lapping (blood) from hearts; then a cloud of dust rose and hid the objects from view, so that it was impossible to distinguish the spears from the blades of the swords. Of the famous men and brave heroes, Serkenku and Kejidek-amirahur, two horses that competed in battle and battle, were killed that day.

The ground took on the color of anemones from the smeared blood of necks and shoulders. | 69 | Finally, the legs of the Turks trembled, and they partly died, partly were captured. Inanj Khan took to flight, his horses were galloping all the time, and his retinue dumped their belongings until they reached Giyas ad-din Pirshah, (Giyas -ad-din Pirshah - the second son of Khorezmshah Muhammad) located in Rhea. He rejoiced at his arrival and recognized his merits; he did him honor until he wanted to woo his mother, which caused the removal from the goal and had the result of shame and disgrace; He (Inanj Khan) lived only a few days after that, and it is said that someone was sent to him, who made him drink (poisonous) tincture and killed him on his bed. Allah knows best if this is true. He is buried in the Salman Gorge in the Fars region, (and his grave) is known and visited. The battle of Jurjan took place in 619 (= 1222). I also participated in it, and the vicissitudes of the war threw me to the ispehbed Imad-ad-daula Nusret-ad-din Muhammad ibn Kabudjam, who was in the fortress of Humayun; he showed me signs of respect, and I stayed with him for a while; when the roads became safe, he sent me to my fortress with honor.

|92 | Description of the siege by the Tatars of Khorezm in Zu-l-ka'de 617 (= XII 1220 - I 1221) and its capture in Safar 618 (= III-IV 1221)

Its siege is singled out in the description from other cities because of its significance and the fact that the invasion of the Tatars began with it. When the Sultan's sons left Khorezm, as we have described, the Tatars reached its borders and stood at a distance from it until they had finished their siege and armaments and until reinforcements from all countries and auxiliary troops arrived. The first to arrive was Badji-bek with a large army, then the son of Genghis Khan | 93 | Ogedei, ( Ogedei - Great Khan (1227-1241) and now he is a hakan. Then the insidious (i.e. Genghis Khan) sent his own guards after them, led by Bugurji Noyon, ( In the publication: *** cf.: Turkestan, p. 467) with the best devils and the worst demons, and then his son Chagatai with Tulup-cherbi, Ustun-noyon, Kazan-noyon and a hundred thousand or more. They began to prepare for the siege and make weapons - catapults, turtles, mobile towers. When they saw that there were no stones for siege engines in Khorezm and its region, they found there enough and even more mulberry roots with strong trunks and large roots; they began to cut round pieces from it, and then soak them in water, they became like stones in weight and hardness, and they (the Tatars) replaced them with stones for siege engines. They remained at a distance from him (Khorezm) until they finished their tools. Then Dushi Khan ( That is, Jochi, the eldest son of Genghis Khan (died in 1227); his descendants were khans of the Golden Horde) with his people arrived in Maverannahr and entered with them (the inhabitants of Khorezm) in negotiations, exhorting them and warning them. He promised them mercy if they surrendered it (Khorezm) in peace, and said that Genghis Khan granted it to him and that he firmly intended to annex it to himself (to his possessions), would try to keep it for himself, and this was indicated by the fact that that this army, while it stands close to it (Khorezm), did not try to plunder its volosts, distinguishing it from other (regions) with great attention and greater mercy and fearing to leave it to death and destruction, that the hand of destruction would not touch it. The wise among them tended to make peace, but the views of the foolish prevailed over the views of the wise by incitement, and the cause of the silent one perishes. The Sultan, while on the island, wrote to them: “The people of Khorezm have uninterrupted rights over us and our ancestors and obligations, old and present, which make it obligatory for us to advise them and fear for them. This enemy is a victorious enemy, you must make peace, (go) but in the easiest way and avert evil in the most appropriate way. But the stupid ruled over the views of the wise, the instruction received did not bring any benefit, and the power left the hands of its owners. Then Dushi Khan moved towards him (Khorezm) with a crowd (like) the sea, uniting (everything) separate into one whole. He began to take it quarter by quarter. When he took one of them (quarters), people sought refuge in the other, fought the strongest battle and defended themselves | 94 | and their families with the strongest protection. (So ​​it was) until the situation became hopeless and the evil did not show its fangs; they had only three blocks left, and people crowded into them in cramped quarters. When they had no ways (protection) left and the paths became narrow for them, the faqih of the excellent Ala-ad-dim al-Khayati, the mukhtasib of Khorezm, whom the sultan respected for perfection in science and action, they sent a powerless, asking about intercession; this now, when his claws were already stuck and his fangs and chest were bloody. Why not (do) this before the situation has become hopeless and the time for the power of benevolence has expired. Dushi Khan ordered to honor him and put up a tent for him from his (own) tents. When he (Ala-ad-din) appeared (before him), he said, among other things he said: "We have already seen the fear of the Khan, but now we will see something from his grace." The accursed one became angry and said: “What did they see out of fear? They killed people and fought for a long time. It was I who saw the fear, now I will show them the fear of me.” He ordered, and people began to be taken out one by one and in groups, at once and in parts. It was announced that the artisans would separate and step aside. Some of them did (this) and escaped, some thought that the artisans would be driven to their (Tatars) country, and the rest would be left in their homeland, and they would live in their dwellings and dwellings, so they did not separate. Then they (the Tatars) turned swords, spears and bows against them, threw them to the ground and gathered them in the dominions of death.

* Events in northern Khorasan

|99 | [When Sultan Jalal-ad-din was in India], the most courageous of his father's warriors gathered for Ghiyas-ad-din, who were hidden by thickets and covered by mountains. He rushed with them to Iraq, took possession of it, and a khutba was established for him in Khorasan, Iraq and Mazanderan, as we have mentioned. He was at enmity with everyone who seized his area and did not bring him gifts, expressing humility only in words. Taj-ad-din Qamar took possession of Nishapur and the regions around it, despite their disordered situation and lack of property; Iltuku, the son of Ilchi-pahlavan, took possession of Shiraz, ( This seems to be a scribal error. Shiraz is out of the question. Apparently, it is necessary to read Sabzevar) Beyhak and what is attached to them. Shal al-Himayi began to rule Juvain, Jam, Vakharz and what borders them. One of the commanders, who took the honorary name of Nizam-ad-din, took possession of Isfarain, Bandwar ( In edition: ***; m. b. should read: Sabzevar) and what is adjacent to them; another, who was a military leader and in the time of the great Sultan was in disgrace, known under the name of Shems-ad-din Ali ibn Omar, captured the fortress, Salul, ( In the text ***, apparently, this is the same fortress that Juvaini (below, p. 489) calls Su "luk) his brand ignited, and battles between them and Nizam-ad-din followed one after another, in which many people died. And Ikhtiyar-ad-din Zengi ibn Muhammad ibn Omar ibn Hamza returned to Nessa; he, his brothers and cousins ​​were in Khorezm for 19 years, and they were not allowed out. He returned to (the country) that his father had left him and took possession of it, but his days did not last long: his cousin Nusret ad-din Hamza ibn Muhammad ibn Omar ibn Hamza took his place. Taj ad-din Omar ibn Mas "ud, and he was from the Turkmens, took possession of Abiverd and Harkan up to the places adjacent to Merv, and occupied the fortress of Marga And so (everyone) fought with each other (from) fish (to) celestial spheres. Such was the situation in Khorasan, and such was the situation in Mazanderan and Iraq, and there is no need to expand.

|104 | Description of the reason that I arrived at the court of the Sultan (Jalal-ad-din) and remained in his service. When Nusret-ad-din Hamzah ibn Muhammad ibn Omar ibn Hamzah inherited Nesa from his cousin, as I have already explained, he made me deputy in his affairs and trusted me in what he was about to undertake. And he was a marvel of excellence and a sea of ​​generosity; he memorized "Sikt az-zend" by Abu-l-Ala, "al-Yemini" by al-Utbi, "ah-Mulakhhas" by Fakhr-ad-din ar-Razi and "al-Isharat" by Sheikh ar-Rais. He owned poems collected in sofas in Arabic and | 105 | in Persian. From his poems, written while he was in prison:

Truly I, in the chains of fate,
Like a pearl still in its shell.
The neck of greatness was adorned with my value,
And my superiority is strung in a necklace of nobility.
Truly, despite the malice of my envious people,
I am a worthy successor to my proud ancestors.
And if time does not recognize my dignity,
That is a mistake that comes from decrepitude.
The nations will see my sadness,
Like the full moon, hiding in the darkness during the 8atmenia.
Then the fates will come, and the humble
They will say: I'm sorry for what has passed.

And his correspondence is permitted witchcraft and pure water, it surpasses the brilliance of beauty and is perfumed with the aroma of the north wind. And from what he wrote to me while I was with Iyaanjkhanoi in Mazanderan, before power passed to him ... ( This is followed by a letter that is completely empty of content and, due to the “high style”, is almost impossible to translate into Russian.)

|106 | This is an example of what this perfect one has achieved, it can be offered with the most complete justice, instead of a panegyric and an ode. Its superiority in the original sciences ( The original sciences - hadith, history, literature, fiqh, etc., as opposed to the new ones, i.e. exact spiders) is attached to the rest of its qualities; he devoted himself to studying them during his stay in Khorezm, and it (lasted) 19 years. His judgments on the stars (i.e. horoscopes) rarely failed. When there was no news about the Sultan (Jalal-ad-din) and he was in the depths of India, he said that he (Jalal-ad-din) would still appear, would reign and establish order, and that Ghiyas-ad-din would not succeed that his star does not show well-being, that it is a flicker that will go out. For this reason, he, one of all those who seized power in the cities, did not read the khutba to Ghiyas ad-din. After some time, it happened as he said, and the matter turned out as he predicted, but this happened after his death. It happened as they say (in the proverb) - you learned one thing, and many hid from you. He predicted that the sultan would appear and that his affairs would be in order, but he did not know that he himself would perish before his appearance; he was deceived in expectations and made a mistake in reasoning.

Oh, comforting me with a promise, while death (may come) earlier.
When I die of thirst, let no drops (of rain) fall.

When Ghiyas-ad-din found out what he thought about the Sultan (Jalal-ad-din) and that he (Nusret-ad-din), in contrast to others like him, prefers him and is inclined to him, he sent Tuluk against him ibn Inanj Khan with the army of his father, gave him Arslan Khan and several others to help him and wrote to those who capture the surrounding places, ordering them to follow his (Tuluk) instructions in what he (seems fit) to send ahead or leave behind , and try to help him in what he will undertake or postpone. When Nusret-ad-din found out about this, he began to consult with his advisers on how to remove the trouble and repel the formidable danger. The result of their efforts was (the decision) to send me to the court of Giyas ad-din with a certain amount of money in order to avert the flaring | 107 | confusion and shut up open mouths. Despite my disapproval of it, I went there. After some time at the limits of Ra'd (***) at night, I came across Ibn Inanj Khan; hiding under the hem of the black night, I ran at the run of an ostrich, not even - just like Moses (when God called him). When I reached Dzhurjan, I saw his tent outside; I was told that they belonged to the Emir of Kuch-Kandy, who arrived from the court of Jalal-ad-Din, heading to Khorasan to replace Orkhan there. (I) was told about what happened in Rey, about the termination of the power of Ghiyath ad-din and the establishment of the power of Jalal ad-din. I went to him (Kuch-Kandi), for joy I did not know how I was going, I did not fly at all. I sat with him for a long time and heard a full and detailed (report) on the state of affairs. Then I thought about (my) business and realized that there was no way to turn back and that only the order of the Sultan could turn Ibn Inanj Khan away from Nesa, into which his claws had already grabbed. I arrived in Astrabad, and there was the melik Taj-ad-din al-Hasan, who was preparing to go to the court of Jalal-ad-din. I decided to accompany him and began to urge him to hurry. While he was loading things on pack animals, a detachment of Danishmend Khan appeared on the border of his district, and he was an adherent of Giyas ad-Din and should not have trampled on the edges of the Sultan's carpet. Because of this, his (Taj ad-din) preparations were upset, and necessity forced me to return to the Bistam road. I returned to it and cautiously went to Rey, and from there hastily to Isfahan. I was followed by news of the siege of Nesa and the intensification of its siege, which did not allow me to calm down and (freely) breathe, but I stayed in Isfahan for two months out of necessity, and not at will ... [The following describes the reasons that prevented Nesevi the opportunity to get to Jalal-ad-din, his arrival in Hamadan, where the camp of Jalal-ad-din was, but he himself was not there, and negotiations with those close to Jalal-ad-din] . Th they have already appointed one | 108 | from those close to me, who was supposed to accompany me to Nesa in order to drive out Ibn Inanj Khan from there and present him to the court of the Sultan. No more than two or three days passed, when a messenger arrived with the news of the death of Nusret ad-din, that Ibn Inanj Khan led him out of the fortress of Nesa, then ordered him to be brought to him, threw him (to the ground) so that deceive (the hopes) of those who hoped, ruined him in order to cause unpleasantness to free people, and he was ruined in the prime of life. I began to mourn for him all the messengers of glory and mourn him with bloody tears; I remained among them, defeated (in horror) and with pain in my heart uttered verses:

In his looks and wit were for me
Sure signs that he's about to die.

And Ibn Inanj Khan rewarded me for my past service to his father in Nes and Jurjan by killing those whom he could capture from my servants, | 109 | plundering what I found of my things, and destroying in my house what I inherited and acquired myself.

|149 | Description of my appointment as vizier of Nesa and what happened because of this between me and Diya-al-mulk. Diya-al-mulk Ala-ad-din Muhammad ibn Maudud al-ariz an-Nesavi belonged to the family of rais. Even those who do not love him recognize his superiority, and consider him worthy even of his opponent. A disastrous disaster and a most difficult situation, (caused by the appearance of the Tatars and their conquest of countries, threw him into Ghazna, and yours remained, having no definite intentions, waiting for the dawn of happiness, until the sultan returned there, as was told earlier. Then he continued his service to him, got in control sofas insha ( Sofa insha - office, drawing up state documents, the same "as sofa-i-risalat) and arz and appointed his deputies in them. He grew stronger to such an extent that Sheref-al-mulk suspected competition on his part in the viziership itself. But when I arrived from Nessa as an ambassador, as I said (before), and it proved impossible to return, I was attracted by the threads of mercy, and I began to rise from one position to another until I took upon myself the duty of compiling papers. The position of Diya-al-mulk became difficult, he did not want to stay at the court of the Sultan and decided to retire to the outskirts. He appointed arz al-Majd al-Nisaburi as his deputy in the divan and took over the viziership of Nesa, despite the insignificance of his territory; the sultan assigned him a lot (ikta) there with an income of 10,000 dinars, in addition to income and feeding (ma "aish) as a vizier. He went to Nesa. There, and in places neighboring him, his power spread, thanks to the support of the sultan his orders and his high position. Envy, however, forced him to make efforts to offend those who are in any way connected with me, whether it be kinship, friendship or service, and to this was added the cessation of the established revenues to the Sultan's treasury. try to achieve (success) in this matter, arousing the hopes of the Sultan to increase income from it (Nesa) and improve things there, so that he gave me the viziership of Nesa with the condition that I should not leave the court, but would appoint the one who I I did so, and Diya al-Mulk returned to court dismissed and deceived in both transactions.

* Collection of taxes from Turkmens

|159 | Sheref-al-mulk ( Sheref-al-mulk - the vizier of Jalal-ad-din, who at that time (624 - 1227) ruled Azerbaijan) went to Arran, ( Arran - the name of the region in Transcaucasia, corresponding to modern Soviet Azerbaijan) since it abounds in wealth and is the center of the Turkmens, he stopped in Mukan ( i.e. Mugan steppe) and sent his officials to their (Turkmen) tribes to collect duties (khukuk), A man known as as-Sarraj al-Khwarizmi went to the tribe (heil) of Kujab-Arslan, and took with him a group of villains (avbash). He began to demand that they slaughter for treats every day up to 30 heads (cattle); to this were added other hardships which they could not fulfill. They began to make noise, got angry and said to him: “Go back to your master, and we will take those tributes that we owe the treasury (ourselves), and there is no need for you to collect them from us.” The mentioned (al-Sarraj) returned and complained until he brought him (Sheref-al-mulk) against them. He (Sheref-al-mulk) went out (on a campaign) from Mukan and crossed the river. Aras (Arake) on the ships - it was the time of arrival (water) in her. He surrounded the camp of the Turkmens and drove their cattle to Baylakan, his. there were 30,000 heads. Turkmen women followed them (troops), | 160 | and I was sure that he (Sheref-al-mulk), when he reached Baylakan, would return it (cattle) to them, with (the condition of payment) a certain amount of money as a penalty for their breach of obligation. When he arrived there, he divided it (cattle) among his people and left 4,000 heads of sheep with lambs from it for himself personally ...

|215 | [Ala-ad-din, head of the Ismailis in Alamut, ( Famous Ismaili stronghold in the mountains, north of Qazvin) gives Nesevi rams.] I had previously built a khanaka in my fortress in Khorasan and intended to buy rams in Alamut in order to make them a waqf in (favor) khanaka, since in Khorasan the robbers of the Tatars exterminated the rams ...

(translated by S. L. Volin)
The text is reproduced according to the publication: Materials on the history of Turkmens and Turkmenistan, Volume I. VII-XV centuries. Arabic and Persian sources. M.-L. Academy of Sciences of the USSR. 1939

Text - Volin S. L. 1939
network version - Thietmar. 2012
OCR - Parunin A. 2012
design - Voitekhovich A. 2001
Academy of Sciences of the USSR. 1939